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Echo Canyon War, The Contributor

This page was last updated on October 22, 2026.

Overview

(The focus of this page is to present the direct transcription of this valuable multiple-part series. The intent is to place all 15 parts into a single document that is scrollable and searchable.)

The series titled "The Echo Canyon War" was published in 1882-1883 serially across Volumes III and IV of "The Contributor," a monthly magazine published in Salt Lake City. The series stands as one of the magazine's most valuable historical contributions. It provided a detailed, first-hand account of the Utah War of 1857–1858, the confrontation between the U.S. Army under General Albert Sidney Johnston and the local Nauvoo Legion (the Utah territorial militia). The series reprinted important primary documents from the conflict, including territorial militia orders, field reports, and communications between Brigham Young and other Mormon leaders, and federal officers.

The backbone of the series came directly from participant recollections, most notably Major Lot Smith. Smith dictated his vivid, first-hand memories of the campaign to editor Junius F. Wells, who arranged and published them serially. Although Lot Smith reported being fired upon, rather than military battles, the series detailed the bloodless, delay-tactics employed across southwestern Wyoming and northeastern Utah. The destruction and burning of government supply trains, along with the stampeding of Army livestock were intended to deny transport capability to the advancing troops. Although never actually used, the local militia members built breastworks and trenches in Echo Canyon, and stacked boulders along the cliff walls of canyon to delay the Army.

As the founder and chief editor of The Contributor, Wells frequently authored narrative overviews, historical syntheses, and editorial framing pieces under pseudonyms or initials to keep the publication from appearing to be the work of a single author. Wells edited, organized, synthesized, and serialized the Echo Canyon War series under the pseudonym "Vaux."

During 1850s and 1860s, eastern newspapers frequently portrayed the Utah War as an open, armed rebellion against federal authority. The Contributor published this series to preserve the local perspective, framing the Nauvoo Legion's actions as a justified defense of their homes, religious liberties, and constitutional rights against an unprovoked invasion later known as "Buchanan's Blunder." Published in 1882–1883, the series educated younger Latter-day Saints who had no direct memory of the 1857–1858 conflict by illustrating their parents' hardships, sacrifices, and military maneuvers in the territory's early years.

Because Lot Smith was killed in 1892, his dictation to Junius F. Wells for The Contributor remains the definitive primary record of his famous raid and command during the conflict. Subsequent 20th-century historians have cited The Contributor’s "Echo Canyon War" series as a foundational source for understanding logistics, militia operations, and tactical command during the 1857 Utah Expedition.

"The Contributor" was a monthly periodical published in Salt Lake City, running for 17 volumes from October 1879 through October 1896. It served as a landmark publication for the youth of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, particularly representing the Mutual Improvement Associations.

The publication was established in October 1879 by Junius F. Wells, who had been instrumental in organizing the LDS church's Young Men's Mutual Improvement Association (YMMIA) in 1875 under Brigham Young. The magazine was created to provide a literary and educational platform for the young men and young women of the church. Wells sought a high-quality magazine for the entire territory and church membership. For its first decade, it represented both the YMMIA and the Young Ladies' Mutual Improvement Association (YLMIA). In 1889, Susa Young Gates founded the "Young Woman's Journal," after which The Contributor shifted its focus exclusively to the young men's organization.

A full set of all 204 issues of the Contributor, 1879 to 1896, is available at Archive.org.

The Contributor, 1879-1896 at Archive.org

Junius F. Wells served as editor and publisher from its inception through 1892. In 1892, the magazine was acquired by the Cannon family, and Abraham H. Cannon took over primary management and publishing. Beyond religious articles, The Contributor published important serialized accounts of early Utah territory settlement, Mormon Battalion histories, pioneer travel narratives and articles aimed at self-improvement. It also published profiles of church leaders, historical figures, and prominent local citizens, as well as original prose, essays, and poetry written by young local authors to foster literary skills within the community.

Following the untimely death of Abraham H. Cannon in July 1896, along with changing organizational needs, The Contributor ceased publication with its October 1896 issue (Volume 17). In November 1897, the YMMIA launched the "Improvement Era" as its official publication, directly continuing the legacy, literary style, and youth focus that The Contributor had established over its 17-year run.

Junius Free Wells (June 1, 1854 - April 15, 1930; KWVR-9TL) was the second oldest son of Daniel H. Wells, prominent leader of the LDS church.

Echo Canyon War, Part 1

(The Contributor, Volume 3, Number 2, November 1881, page 50 at Archive.org)

It was said by an eminent friend of our people that, "The history of the Latter-day Saints will never be written." He was acquainted with their career. He knew that to write their history would be to eclipse the writings of Moses, in describing the doctrines and journeyings of ancient Israel. And it becomes patent to any one who undertakes to chronicle the events of even an epoch of our history, that there is an under-current of heroism, faith, devotion, governing and directing the energies of our people, which requires the subtle power of inspiration to appreciate and the gifted pen of one, who sees with "the eye of faith" to depict. To be such a one would gratify the ambition and pride of the writer; but he sees so much yet to attain, ere reaching that honored distinction, that he fain would content himself with an humbler lot, and therefore purposes in the present paper to merely touch upon certain interesting incidents, relating to that martial period of our people's history, when the army of the United States came up against us in 1857, and our men were enlisted in "the army of defense" to take part in what we called, "The Echo Canon War."

Of the causes that led to the conflict of that period it will not be necessary to go into detail for the purposes of this sketch. They may be traced even to the antagonism of Right and Wrong; to the eternal conflict between the powers of Light and Darkness. The attempt to overthrow the Latter-day Saints by an armed force in 1857, was, unquestionably, but an expression of the same spirit that drove them from Missouri to Illinois; that filled the breasts of the howling mob around the walls of Carthage jail on the 27th of June, 1844, and that caused the expulsion of our people from the confines of civilization. The same vile influence to-day inflates the breasts of those, whose corrupt lives make them its willing subjects, and clamors for inimical legislation and corrupt and tyrannical rulers, sustained by the force of bayonets, in the wicked efforts to deprive us of our liberties, and to bring us under the yoke of sectarian bigotry and venom, which knows no tolerance, and is therefore preeminently the qualified instrument to do the Adversary's bidding. In regard to the present hostile threatenings of our enemies, it appears to us that they would do well to examine the history of previous onslaughts, and contemplate wisely the ignominy and shame that have borne down to the unlamented grave of obscurity, those who yielded their manhood to do the Devil's work, and fought against Zion. The past teaches, and happy would it be for them if they would learn, that there is no glory, no reward for such. No better example of this truth could be found than in the life of Judge W. W. Drummond, whose lying tongue and false and wicked pen were perhaps immediately responsible for the gravest blunder ever committed by an American administration: The Buchanan campaign against the Mormons.

There were other influences brought to bear upon the cabinet of President Buchanan at this time. The question of southern disaffection might be avoided, if the indignation of the people could be wrought up and directed away
from Washington. There being no foreign foe to answer for this purpose, the nearest thing to it was made to appear by clothing "the phantom of the mountains" in the garb of an adversary, —at whatever economy of truth—and directing the gaze of the nation there. An adroit method, surely, for Treason to escape the searching eye of Patriotism, while concocting her plans to disrupt the Union and bathe the fairest land of earth in the blood of a million of her sons. The Utah war has been pronounced by statesmen—a ruse—to shield traitors in their incipient treason, and to blind the nation, while they slabbed her in the back.

Whatever the policy may have been, the means of diverting the attention of the nation, from the real danger, which then threatened and afterwards nearly destroyed it, were forthcoming in endless ways ; chiefly, through the reports of the Federal officers of Utah, whose lives were generally so shameful that they were in constant danger of prosecution in their own courts; and who were so notoriously incompetent and corrupt that not to recognize their indiscretions was to admit a lack of ordinary common sense. Men who prostituted their talents and dragged the ermine of their offices in the filth of lasciviousness, avarice and kindred corruption, were choice exponents of that pious sentiment, under the guise of offended virtue, which breathed aloud the awful abominations of the Great Basin and demanded the substitution of such morality as theirs, for that which the people of the Great Basin practiced, in the name of God and Religion, as the highest expression of virtue, the perfect law of regeneration and social enfranchisement.

The howl of these self-righteous, abused and unappreciated lepers was taken up by bigoted priests, lying editors and political traitors, and was sounded and resounded, from the east to the west, from the north to the south and back again. The nation was wrought up; the pent up indignation of the millions who inhabit it was let loose, and a perfect flood of invective and denunciation swept the Continent from shore to shore. Amid this universal tumult, the Administration with the possible knowledge of some Congressmen, quietly resolved or war against the "Mormons." There was no apparent thought of investigation. There was no cool reflection—they both came after—but the popular feeling was aroused, and the moment had come to strike the blow that should sacrifice a people at the altar of Popular Prejudice. and reward the bloodthirsty devotees with enduring fame. Poor, blind, ambitious bigots; they forgot that Popular Prejudice was the most fickle deity, and that her decrees were as uncertain as the variable wind. The President and cabinet resolved on the punishment of the "Mormons," believing that the feeling of the people would sustain them, even in going to war. And they were right, for the time being. No movement was ever more popular. It was loudly proclaimed that the Commander-in-chief could rely on a million volunteers, if he required them, to accomplish the overthrow of the "Mormons." The tocsin of war was sounded and reverberated from state to state, but failed to reach the peaceful vales of the mountains. The mails for Utah had been refused the
contractors at the Missouri River stations, and not until the army had actually been enlisted and directed by the administration to take up the march to Utah, did word reach our people of the hostile intention of the Government, and then it came by rumor, not by any official communication.

Of the direct charges made against the Latter-day Saints, upon which so loud a public clamor was raised, and the administration blindly acted, those by Associate Justice Drummond, may be taken as a sample. They were included in his letter of resignation of that office—an office he shamefully abused—directed to Hon. J. S. Black, Attorney General, bearing date of March 30, 1857. They are as follows:

In the first place, Brigham Young, the Governor of Utah Territory, is the acknowledged head of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, commonly called 'Mormons;' and, as such head, the 'Mormons' look to him, and to him alone, for the law by which they are to be governed; therefore no law of Congress is by them considered binding in any manner.

Secondly. I know that there is a secret oath-bound organization among all the male members of the Church to resist the laws of the Country, and to acknowledge no law save the law of the "Holy Priesthood," which comes to the people through Brigham Young, direct from God; he, Young, being the vicegerent of God, and Prophet, viz: successor of Joseph Smith, who was the founder of this blind and treasonable organization.

Thirdly. I am fully aware that there is a set of men, set apart by special order of the Church, to take both the lives and property of persons who may question the authority of the Church; the names of whom I will promptly make known at a future time.

Fourthly. That the records, papers, etc., of the Supreme Court have been destroyed by order of the Church, with the direct knowledge and approbation of Governor Young and the Federal officers grossly insulted for presuming to raise a single question about the treasonable act.

Fifthly. That the Federal officers of the Territory are constantly insulted, harassed and annoyed by the Mormons, and for these insults there is no redress.

Sixthly. That the Federal officers are daily compelled to hear the form of the American government traduced, the Chief Executives of the nation, both living and dead, slandered and abused from the masses, as well as from all the leading members of the Church, in the most vulgar, loathsome, and wicked manner that the evil passions of men can possibly conceive.

These six specific charges are supplemented by others, in which a Danite band is accused of murdering Captain Jno. W. Gunnison and party in 1853 under the direction of the Church authorities, Hon. Leonidas Shaver, poisoned? A. W. Babbitt, slaughtered on the plains, and all officers and loyal citizens in constant danger of falling under the awful, mysterious hand of the Church, which renders their lives "unsafe for a single day." These reasons," writes the trembling judge, "with many others that I might give, which would be too heartrending to insert in this communication, have impelled me to resign the office of Justice of the Territory of Utah, and again return to my adopted State of Illinois." Upon these base lies the great government of our country, rushed madly into the most ignominious conflict that ever disgraced a civilized nation, in the treatment of local difficulties. A conflict from which, withdrawal most humiliating had to follow, and that sunk the principal participants in a quagmire of oblivion and shame from which they never rose.

As to Drummond's charges they were the cowardly ravings of a dishonest libertine, who to shield himself from judicial exposure, was only too eager to hazard the lives and liberties of a noble people to the relentless fury of an impassioned mob. He wrote his charges to fire the breasts of such, not to excuse himself for withdrawing from the justiceship. The real reason why he resigned his office was that he was afraid of prosecution for adultery; he having insulted the people whom he came to judge, by bringing a loose woman from Washington, with whom he notoriously lived, calling her his wife, while his real wife and family, in ignorance of his associations, were left in Illinois. Charges from such a character hardly deserve refutation, but an army was sent to subdue the Mormons, on the strength of them, and history should show how utterly baseless and without support of proof they were.

Firstly.—There is not a people upon the face of the whole earth more devoted and loyal to their government than are the peaceable, industrious citizens of Utah. They are wedded to the Constitution and laws of the Republic. Indeed they go farther than other citizens; for it is a revealed fact, incorporated in their articles of faith, that the form and Constitution of the American Government, are the products of the inspiration of the Almighty. To deny its authority and Constitutional laws, would be to deny the divinity of the revelations which God gave through Joseph Smith; it would be a denial of 'Mormonism.' It would be a flat denial of the constant teachings, counsels and practices of President Young."

Secondly.—This is only a repetition of the absurd and ridiculous lie invented by the Missouri murderers in 1838, pretending that the Mormons had an 'oath bound organization' among them, called 'Danites, or, Destroying Angels,' whose business it was to destroy the Gentiles." The origin of this oft repeated slander of our people, was in the folly of one Alvord, who attempted in the days of Missouri, to establish a secret order, ostensibly for the protection of the Prophet, really to gratify his own insane ambition. He gave his order the name "Danites," meaning "a serpent in thy path." Before it had fairly started, he proposed such villainies to the few whom he had deceived into joining it, that they referred the whole design to the Prophet Joseph. He promptly pronounced such an organization treasonable and contrary to the Spirit and necessities of the work of God, and excommunicated Alvord, at once, for his presumption and wickedness. That was the beginning, the extent and end of "Danites," except as the enemies of our people have mouthed the word as a sweet morsel under their tongue, thus preserving the name from the oblivion of the nearest thing that it ever came to mean, "which died ere it had yet begun to live."

Thirdly.—The falsehood contained in this charge is a repetition and enlargement of the one before. As to producing names of parties composing the "treasonable organization," the fact that this was never done, considering the disposition there was to do it, is convincing evidence of the Judge's inability to fulfill that promise.

Fourthly.—The following from the affidavit of Mr. Curtis E. Bolton, Deputy Clerk of the Supreme Court of Utah, directly disproves the assertions of the fourth charge; one which had quite as much weight as any, if not more, and was assuredly as well founded: "I do solemnly declare this assertion (fourth charge), is without the slightest foundation in truth. The records, papers, etc., of the Supreme Court in this Territory, together with all decisions and documents of every kind belonging thereto, from Monday, September 22, 185 1, at which time said court was first organized, up to this present moment are all safe and complete in my custody, and not one of them missing, nor have they ever been disturbed by any person."

Fifthly.—That Drummond might justly have been "insulted, harrassed and annoyed," derided and hated for his criminal connections with his picked-up harlot, we do not feel disposed to doubt. But that he or any respectable man, occupying a federal position was thus treated by the 'Mormons' is false. Chief Justice L. H. Reed, and his successor J. T. Kinney, both testified in the highest terms of praise to the cordial reception they met, and kind treatment received among the 'Mormon' people. Many officers since those times bear witness to this. It is characteristic of our people to treat dignitaries with great respect, at all times when they afford an opportunity. In most cases, however, the federal officers sent to us have taken pains, in the commencement of their labors here, to stigmatize the people and put it beyond their power to accord those courtesies, which would be spontaneously given, if there were the least encouragement assured that they would be received by the officers with any degree of consideration. It appears to us, of late years particularly, that many Federal officers have the idea that they are sent here not to benefit the people but to menace them and maintain a stiff, unapproachable attitude of superiority. The whole dignity of the Republican government, one would think, had to be sedulously maintained by their careful avoidance of any contact with the great body of the people. No community, that we have heard of, everhad so much "greatness thrust upon them" as we have, in this respect.

Sixthly.—The annual enthusiastic celebrations of the Nation's anniversary gives the lie to this charge. If the chief executives were slandered and abused, how is it that several counties of the Territory were named after them, and the capital city, also, for several years bore the name of President Fillmore. That the acts of the various administrations were criticized by the "Mormons" it is not necessary to deny; but that is one of the chief prerogatives of American citizens, and is no where exercised with less license than in Utah.

These are the famous charges of Judge Drummond, briefly shown up for what they were worth; but the value put upon them, in 1857, when public opinion was at fever heat against the people of Utah, can scarcely be realized by those not acquainted with the facts. These slanderous charges, vain, absurd and trifling as they are, produced a commotion in the land that will always be remembered as most unwarranted and childish, besides expensive, costing the Government more than forty millions of dollars.

Vaux.

Echo Canyon War, Part 2

(The Contributor, Volume 3, Number 3, December 1881, page 84 at Archive.org)

The administration having determined on a military movement against the Mormons, instructions were accordingly given to the General of the army, who immediately issued orders dated May 28, 1857 to the chiefs of the respective staff departments. From these first orders we extract the following:

Orders having been dispatched in haste for the assemblage of a body of troops at Fort Leavenworth, to march thence to Utah as soon as assembled, the General-in-chief, in concert with the War Department, issues the following instructions:

1. The force—2d Dragoons, 5th Infantry, 10th Infantry and Phelps' battery of the 4th Artillery—to be provided with transportation and supplies, will be estimated at not less than two thousand five hundred men.

2. The Adjutant-general will, in concert with the chiefs of the respective departments, issue the necessary orders for assigning to this force a full complement of disbursing and medical officers, an officer of ordnance and an assistant Adjutant-general, if the latter be required. * * * All available recruits are to be assigned to the above named regiments up to the time of departure.

3. About two thousand head of beef cattle must be procured and driven to Utah; six months' supply of bacon, (for two days in the week) must be sent; and dessicated vegetables in sufficient quantity to guard the health of the troops for the coming winter. * * * The surgeon general will cause the necessary medical supplies to be provided. * * * The chief of ordnance will take measures immediately to put in position, for the use of this force, three traveling forges and a full supply of ammunition, and will make requisition for the necessary transportation of the same.

Signed, Winfield Scott.

From the date of this circular, active steps were taken to muster the force and prepare for the onward march to Utah.

The command was assigned to Brevet Brigadier General W. S. Harney, who, at the time, was stationed at Fort Leavenworth and was known in the west as "squaw killing Harney" from a raid he conducted on a band of Brule-Sioux women, in Nebraska. The following instructions were addressed to him by order of the General-in-chief:

Headquarters of the Army, New York, June 29, 1857.

Sir: The letter which I addressed to you in the name of the General-in-chief, on the 28th ultimo, his circular to the chiefs of the staff departments, same date, his general orders No. 8, current series, and another now in press, have indicated your assignment to the command an expedition to Utah Territory, and preparatory measures to be taken.

The General-in-chief desires me to add in his name the following instructions, prepared in concert with the War Department, and sanctioned by its authority, whenever required.

The community and, in part, the civil government of Utah Territory are in a state of substantial rebellion against the laws and authority of the United States.

A new civil governor is about to be designated, and to be charged with the establishment and maintenance of law and order. Your able and energetic aid, with that of the troops to be placed under your command, is relied on to insure the success of his mission.

The principles by which you should be guided have been already indicated in a somewhat similar case, and are here substantially repeated.

If the governor of the Territory finding the ordinary course of judicial proceedings of the power vested in the United States marshals and other proper officers inadequate, for the preservation of the public peace and the due execution of the laws, should make requisition upon you for a military force to aid him as a posse comitatus in the performance of that official duty, you are hereby directed to employ for that purpose the whole or such part of your command as may be required; or should the governor, the judges or marshals of the Territory find it necessary directly to summon a part of your troops, to aid either, in the performance of his duties, you will take care that the summons be promptly obeyed. And in no case will you, your officers or men attack any body of citizens whatever, except on such requisition or summons, or in sheer self-defence.

In executing this delicate function of the military power of the United States, the civil responsibility will be upon the Governor, the Judges and Marshals of the Territory. While you are not and cannot be subjected to the orders, strictly speaking, of the Governor, you will be responsible for a jealous, harmonious and thorough co-operation with him on frequent and full consultation, and will conform your action to his requests and views in all cases where your military judgment and prudence do not forbid nor compel you to modify, in execution, the movements he may suggest. No doubt is entertained that your conduct will fully meet the moral and professional responsibilities of your trust, and justify the high confidence already reposed in you by the Government.

The lateness of the season, the dispersed condition of the troops, and the smallness of the numbers available, have seemed to present elements of difficulty, if not hazard, in this expedition. But it is believed that these may be compensated by unusual care in its outfit, and great prudence in its conduct. All disposable recruits have been reserved for it.

So well is the nature of this service appreciated, and so deeply are the honor and interests of the United States involved in its success that I am authorized to say, the government will hesitate at no expense requisite to complete the efficiency of your little army, and to secure health and comfort to it, as far as attainable. Hence, in addition to the liberal orders for its supply heretofore given—and it is known that ample measures with every confidence of success have been dictated by the chiefs of staff departments here—a large discretion will be made over to you in the general orders for the movements. The employment of spies, guides, interpreters or laborers may be made to any reasonable extent you may think desirable.

The prudence expected of you requires that you should anticipate resistance; general, organized and formidable, at the threshold, and shape your movements as if they were certain, keeping the troops well massed and in hand when approaching expected resistance. Your army will be equipped, for a time at least? as a self sustaining machine. Detachments will, therefore, not be lightly hazarded, and you are warned not to be betrayed into premature security or over confidence.

A small but sufficient force must, however, move separately from the main column, guarding the beef cattle and such other supplies as you may think would too much encumber the march of the main body. The cattle may require to be marched more slowly than the troops, so as to arrive in Salt Lake Valley in good condition, or they may not survive the inclemency and scanty sustenance of the winter. This detachment, though afterwards to become the rear guard, may, it is hoped, be put in route before the main body, to gain as much time as possible before the latter passes it.

The General-in-chief suggests that feeble animals of draught and cavalry should be left ten or twelve days behind the main column, at Fort Laramie, to recruit and follow.

It should be a primary object on arriving in the valley, if the condition of things permit, to procure not only fuel but materials for hutting the troops.

Should it be too late for the latter purpose, or should such employment of the troops be unsafe or impracticable, the tents (of Sibley's pattern), furnished, will, it is hoped, afford a sufficient shelter.

It is not doubted that a surplus of provisions and forage, beyond the wants of the resident population, will be found in the valley of Utah; and that the inhabitants, if assured by energy and justice, will be ready to sell them to the troops. Hence no instructions are given

you for the extreme event of the troops being in absolute need of such supplies and their being withheld by the inhabitants. The necessities of such an occurrence would furnish the law for your guidance.

Besides the stated reports required by regulations, special reports will be expected from you, at the headquarters of the army, as opportunity may offer.

The General-in-chief desires me to express his best wishes, official and personal for your complete success and added reputation.

I have the honor to be, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, George W. Lay, Lieutenant Colonel, Aid-de-Camp.

To Brevet Brigadier General W. S. Harney, Commanding, etc., Fort Leavenworth, Kansas.

P. S. The General-in-chief. in my letter of the 20th instant, has already conveyed to you a suggestion—not an order, nor even a recommendation—that it might be well to send forward in advance a part of your horse to Fort Laramie, there to halt and be recruited in strength by rest and grain, before the main body comes up.

Respectfully, G. W. L.

Lieut. Col. Aid-de-Camp.

These were the instructions of the military Commander-in-chief of the Government, and we think the reader will possess sufficient discernment to see how far they were dictated in a spirit of conciliation and regard for the interests and rights of the people against whom they were directed.

After peace was established and the army returned, it was repeatedly said that the government never intended war—never contemplated war at all. Governor Cumming loudly proclaimed that the army came out with him to protect the inhabitants against the Indians, a statement so ludicrous that it provokes a smile. The facts are, no army was ever better provided with officers, supplies, transportation, arms and ammunition, for hostile invasion than the little army dispatched from Fort Leavenworth for Utah in the summer of 1857. The unusual discretion accorded the commander to order from the departments whatever he required, without further reference, was most liberally employed by him. The trains of provisions, arms, ammunition and every implement and convenience for the sustenance of the army and the successful prosecution of a forced entrance into and occupancy of the "Valley of Utah," too plainly indicated the hostile intention of the administration for any such sophistry as Governor Cumming's to receive the least degree of credulity or respect.

While the troops were thus being mustered, amid great activity in all the departments of supply, the mail carriers from Utah arrived on the frontiers and demanded the mail for the west. This was refused them. The instructions from Washington were to stop all mails for Utah under the existing contract. In all the drivings and persecutions of our people in Missouri and Illinois, the cutting off of the mails was among the first of hostile acts, and was followed by burnings, mobbings and bloodshed. Is it any wonder that our people viewed this act with apprehension? It declared the presence of an active enemy, it stamped the government as an aggressive foe.

The mails were refused the contractors on the fourth day of July, 1857.

Vaux.

Echo Canyon War, Part 3

(The Contributor, Volume 3, Number 4, January 1882, page 102 at Archive.org)

The army for Utah began its march from Fort Leavenworth July 18, 1857. The Tenth Infantry, numbering five hundred men, under the command of Col. E. B. Alexander, was the first to start. These were dispatched by General Harney, but on the 28th of August he was relieved of the command of the Utah expedition, and Colonel Albert S. Johnston appointed to succeed him. By the 20th of September the entire force had taken the road, including the commander and the escort of the newly appointed governor, Col. Cumming, and other civil officers. It was expected by Col. Johnston that he would overtake the advance, and by forced marches enter Salt Lake City by October 20th. And that the rear, with the Federal officials, would arrive by the middle of November.

These various officers started upon the overland journey with flying colors, buoyant spirits and sanguine expectations. They never doubted but that their auspicious advent, overawing presence and distinguished bearing among the barbarians of Utah would have the most salutary influence in civilizing and Americanizing the inhabitants. They were a glorious band of reformers, sent out as examples of American citizenship, to teach the rebellious Mormons how to honor and support the great Government of the United States. Of course, the troops but obeyed the instructions of the administration, and became to the people of Utah, before the campaign was over, objects of commiseration and pity, rather than of apprehension or contempt.

While they were being mustered on the Missouri, and during the early days of their march, the people of our peaceful Territory were quietly enjoying themselves, secure in the consciousness of serving the Lord and developing a virgin country of untold wealth that He had given them for an inheritance, where they could build themselves homes, rear their children in the paths of truth and virtue, beyond the contaminations of the sins and corruptions of the outside world. There has not been, since the ancient Nephites occupied this choice land, a happier or purer people, than then dwelt in Utah. Confidence in each other prevailed to an unlimited extent. Virtue was regarded so sacredly, that in all the towns of the Territory none of questionable character could be pointed out. The sobriety, honesty and good conduct of all classes of the community was such, that bolts and locks to the doors of private and public houses were not required nor often used. Ladies were so secure from the glare of the libertine that they walked the streets of our cities at all hours of the day or night, without fear of insult or molestation. The patriotism of the people was being continually expressed in their celebrations of the national holiday, and in their courteous treatment of all officers of the Government, whose self-respect elicited the admiration of honest men, or justified them in extending the freedom of fellowship.

Occasionally rumors of the great excitement in the States, raised by the false charges of the atrocious Drummond, were brought to the people, but they were ignorant of the hostile movements of the Government against them. Governor Young had occupied the gubernatorial chair for nearly eight years, giving infinite satisfaction to the people and the authorities at Washington. The affairs of the Territory, of every description, were in a most healthy and prosperous condition. Abundant harvests gladdened the hearts of the husbandmen, and the liveliest sense of gratitude to the Giver of all good, swelled the breasts of the whole people. As an expression of this feeling, a grand, characteristic celebration, of the tenth anniversary of the arrival of the Pioneers in the valley, was arranged to come off at the head waters of the Big Cottonwood. We reproduce the official account of this historic occasion, as published in the Deseret News:

The Twenty-Fourth Of July In The Tops Of The Mountains.

On Wednesday, the 22d inst., numerous teams could be seen wending their way by the different routes to the mouth of Big Cottonwood Canon, the company being privileged to camp for that night at any point below the gate in the canon. On the 23d, Prest. Brigham Young led the van of the long line of carriages and wagons, which easily passed up the now comparatively smooth ascent, made so at great expense by the Big Cottonwood Lumber Company, and began to reach the camp ground at the lake at about 11 a.m. By good time in the afternoon all the company, numbering two thousand five hundred and eighty-seven persons, with four hundred and sixty four carriages and wagons, one thousand and twenty-eight horses and mules, and three hundred and thirty-two oxen and cows, were encamped and busily engaged in their several arrangements for the morrow.

Captain Ballo's band, the Nauvoo brass band, the Springville brass band, the Ogden City brass band, and the Great Salt Lake City and the Ogden City martial bands were in attendance; also the first company of light artillery, under the command of Adjt.-Gen. James Ferguson, a detachment of four platoons of Life Guards, and one platoon of the Lancers, under the command of Col. R. T. Burton, and one company of Light Infantry, under the command of Capt. John W. Young. Col. J. C. Little, Marshal of the day.

At 4 p. m. the Martial bands serenaded the camp. At sunset notes from a bugle summoned the Saints to an eminence near the center of the camp ground, when President Brigham Young made a few remarks, recounting the mercies of God to this people, in delivering them from the power of their enemies, in making the desert places blossom like the rose and the sterile plains yield luscious fruits and golden grain, in loading the leaves of the trees and shrubbery with honey dew, and in increasing our flocks and herds in a marvelous manner. After Prest. Young had concluded his remarks, Prest. H. C. Kimball offered a prayer of thanksgiving unto God for His goodness to this people; prayed for Israel and Israel's enemies, and renewedly dedicated and consecrated unto God, the ground, the waters, the timber, the rocks and all the elements pertaining to the stream upon whose head waters we were assembled, to celebrate the tenth anniversary of the entrance of the pioneers into these valleys.

Three spacious boweries, with plank floors, had been provided by the B. C. Lumber Company, and a large number passed the evening in the joyous dance.

July 24th every one began to enjoy the privileges of the occasion as best suited their several tastes and feelings, in accordance with the order of the day, giving liberty to all to do as they pleased, occupying their time and opportunities in a manner the most conducive to the greatest amount of happiness and comfort. The different bands played at intervals throughout the day, and greatly added to the zest of the varied sources of enjoyment.

At morning assembly the choir sang, "On the mountain tops appearing." Prayer by Elder Geo. A. Smith. Prest. Kimball gave a few instructions for the government of the company in their exercises during the day, and Prest. Wells said that on account of the large number of people, Prest. Young wished them to attend to prayers at their several tents.

The stars and stripes were unfurled on two of the highest peaks in sight of the camp, and on the tops of two of the tallest trees.

At twenty minutes past nine a. m., three rounds were fired from a brass howitzer, for the First Presidency of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints and our rights and independence. At fifteen minutes past ten a. m. three rounds were fired for the "Hope of Israel." Captain John W. Young's company of Light Infantry were paraded, and elicited admiration and astonishment from all beholders. This company numbers fifty boys, ranging from ten to twelve years of age, and was furnished with tasteful uniforms by Governor Young, and truly they are the "Hope of Israel."

At about noon, Bishop A. O. Smoot, Elders Judson Stoddard and O. P. Rockwell and Judge E. Smith rode into camp, the two former from the States in twenty days.

At about sunset the camp assembled for prayers, when President Wells made a few remarks in relation to the latest tidings from the States, upon the order of leaving the ground in the morning, and concluded with prayer. Songs by Brothers Poulter, Dunbar, McAllister and Maiben commenced the evening's exercises, after which dancing and general hilarity continued to a late hour.

On the morning of the 25th the company began to vacate the ground at daybreak, every one apparently highly gratified with the privilege they had been so blessed in enjoying. -- G. D. Watt, Reporter.

The news which the brethren above named brought from the States was that the mails for Utah were refused them at Leavenworth; that intense excitement existed in the States on the Mormon question; the reports of the ex-officials of Utah were being spread abroad and commented upon in every paper,and the probability of the Government sending an armed force to quell the Mormons had about become a certainty. In army circles it was understood that General Harney would be assigned the command.

The entertainment planned for the occasion was scarcely interrupted by this news, brought so rapidly from the frontiers, and received on this ever memorable Twenty-fourth. The writer, then but three years of age, remembers the pause in the exercises, and seeing General Wells step forward and address the people. The incident made the first indelible impression upon his memory. The tenor of that gentleman's remarks may be readily imagined by those who know him. Though at the conclusion of his speech the cry was, "On with the dance, let joy be unconfined," the address was one of historical significance. It expressed in unmistakable terms the just indignation that all felt. It outlined the policy of our people under the trying ordeal before them. It declared, and the everlasting hills heard and re-echoed the cry, that we are the people of God, and He hath made us a free people. We will maintain our freedom. No enemy in any guise shall enter the peaceful vales that we have secured for our inheritance, and shackle us in the bonds of slavery, or corrupt our homes with the abominations of Babylon.

While intense feeling existed in the breasts of all at the insult we had received, the philosophic faith of the people enabled them to throw off any apprehension of danger that otherwise would have rested upon them. So far from succumbing to the promptings of fear, the liveliest spirit of indifference prevailed. The extreme folly of sending an army to subdue a people guilty of no crime, was so apparent to those conscious of the purity of their lives and the favor of God, that not to indulge in hilarity would have plunged them into depths of sorrow, pitying the poor,blind administration that disgraced our loved and honored country.

Relief from such feelings was found in the dance, the singing and rhyming, the patriotic toasts, and in the general sport liberally provided. The following extract from lines and chorus hastily composed and sung by Brother Poulter, were taken up and sung by the multitude, to the tune of "Camptown Races," and for years after were a favorite among camp-fire rhymes:

"Squaw-killer Harney's on the way, Doo-da, doo-da,
The Mormon people for to slay, Doo-da, doo-da day.
Then let us be on hand, By Brigham Young to stand,
And if our enemies do appear,
We'll sweep them from the land."

Vaux.

Echo Canyon War, Part 4

(The Contributor, Volume 3, Number 5, February 1882, page 146 at Archive.org)

The news brought on the twenty-fourth of July, soon spread throughout the Territory. No people threatened with the invasion of their domain, the overthrow of their institutions and the destruction of their leaders, ever viewed the hostile attitude of a great foe, with less apprehension, as to results, than did the people of Utah. They had an abiding faith that the time had come when the favor of the Lord of Hosts would be manifested in their preservation, and rested secure in the belief that President Young's prediction of ten years previous would surely be fulfilled. He publicly stated on that occasion that if our enemies would leave us alone for ten years, we would ask no odds of them. The people needed at least ten years respite from the drivings and burnings and murderings that had driven them from state to state and finally from the realm of civilization into the unknown wilderness of the West. They had profited by the period of peace they had enjoyed and their love of freedom was promoted and increased by the untrammeled exercise of its blessings for so long a time. Besides this, the spirit of liberty, which is characteristic of mountain regions, was everywhere declared, even in the very elements, to predominate over every other influence.

A people situated as ours were, with the favor of God to rely upon and unwavering confidence in their leaders, were too strongly fortified for an aggressor to ever make much head against them. Our people felt that they had suffered the yoke of mobocratic rule long enough and they declared, in unmistakable language, their determination to resist the effort of the government to again expose them to the rapacious plunderers, who sought their lives, their homes, and were bent upon their humiliation and destruction. The public discourses of those days following the "Twenty-fourth," breathed this spirit, and it was taken up and carried to every household.

When Captain Van Vliet, the first official personage sent from the army headquarters, arrived in Salt Lake City, September 8, he found the people in this condition. He was however welcomed and received many courtesies and testimonials of kindness, which his gentlemanly deportment justified. He mingled quite freely with the inhabitants of the city during his stay, partaking of their bounties, and having a very pleasant time. We subjoin his official report of his visit, as showing the object for which he came and the spirit of the people that he was sent to deal with. It was addressed to Captain Pleasanton, Assistant Adjutant General, Army for Utah, Fort Leavenworth, Kansas.

Ham's Fork, September 16, 1857.

Captain: I have the honor to report, for the information of the commanding general, the result of my trip to the Territory of Utah.

In obedience to special instructions, dated headquarters army for Utah, Fort Leavenworth, July 28, 1857, I left Fort Leavenworth, July 30, and reached Fort Kearney in nine traveling days, Fort Laramie in ten, and Great Salt Lake City in thirty-three and a half. At Fort Kearney I was detained one day by the changes I had to make and by sickness, and at Fort Laramie three days, as all the animals were forty miles from the post, and when brought in all had to be shod before they could take the road. I traveled as rapidly as it is possible to do with six mule wagons. Several of my teams broke down, and at least half of my animals are unserviceable and will remain so until they recruit. During my progress towards Utah I met many people from that Territory, and also several mountain men at Green River, and all informed me that I would not be allowed to enter Utah, and if I did I would run great risk of losing my life. I treated all this, however, as idle talk, but it induced me to leave my wagons and escort at Ham's Fork, 143 miles this side of the city, and proceed alone. I reached Great Salt Lake City without molestation, and immediately upon my arrival I informed Governor Brigham Young that I desired an interview, which he appointed for the next day. On the evening of the day of my arrival Governor Young, with many of the leading men of the city, called upon me at my quarters. The governor received me most cordially and treated me during my stay, which continued some six days, with the greatest hospitality and kindness. In this interview the governor made known to me his views with regard to the approach of the United States troops, in plain and unmistakable language.

He stated that the Mormons had been persecuted, murdered and robbed in Missouri and Illinois both by the mob and State authorities, and that now the United States were about to pursue the same course, and that, therefore, he and the people of Utah had determined to resist all persecution at the commencement, and that the troops now on the march for Utah should not enter the Great Salt Lake valley. As he uttered these words all present concurred most heartily in what he said.

The next day, as agreed upon, I called upon the governor and delivered in person the letter with which I had been in trusted. In that interview, and in several subsequent ones, the same determination to resist to the death the entrance of the troops into the valley was expressed by Governor Young and those about him.

The governor informed me that there was abundance of everything I required for the troops, such as lumber, forage,etc., but that none would be sold to us. In the course of my conversations with the governor and influential men in the Territory, I told them plainly and frankly what I conceived would be the result of their present course. I told them that they might prevent the small military force now approaching Utah from getting through the narrow defiles and rugged passes of the mountains this year, but that next season the United States government would send troops sufficient to overcome all opposition. The answer to this was invariably the same: "We are aware that such will be the case; but when those troops arrive they will find Utah a desert. Every house will be burned to the ground, every tree cut down, and every field laid waste. We have three years provisions on hand, which we will 'cache,' and then take to the mountains and bid defiance to all the powers of the government." I attended their service on Sunday, and, in course of a sermon delivered by Elder Taylor, he referred to the approach of the troops and declared they should not enter the Territory. He then referred to the probability of an overpowering force being sent against them, and desired all present, who would apply the torch to their own buildings, cut down their trees, and lay waste their fields, to hold up their hands. Every hand, in an audience numbering over four thousand persons, was raised at the same moment. During my stay in the city I visited several families, and all with whom I was thrown looked upon the present movement of the troops towards their Territory as the commencement of another religious persecution, and expressed a fixed determination to sustain Governor Young in any measures he might adopt. From all these facts I am forced to the conclusion that Governor Young and the people of Utah will prevent, if possible, the army for Utah from entering their Territory this season. This, in my opinion, will not be a difficult task, owing to the lateness of the season, the smallness of our force, and the defenses that nature has thrown around the valley of the Great Salt Lake. There is but one road running into the valley on the side which our troops are approaching, and for over fifty miles it passes through narrow canons and over rugged mountains which a small force could hold against great odds. I am inclined, however, to believe that the Mormons will not resort to actual hostilities until the last moment. Their plan of operations will be to burn the grass, cut up the roads, and stampede the animals, so as to delay the troops until snow commences to fall, which will render the road impassable. Snow falls early in this region; in fact last night it commenced falling at Fort Bridger and this morning the surrounding mountains are clothed in white. Were it one month earlier in the season, I believe the troops could force their way in, and they may be able to do so even now; but the attempt will be fraught with considerable danger, arising from the filling up of the canons and passes with snow. I do not wish it to be considered that I am advocating either the one course or the other. I simply wish to lay the facts before the General, leaving it to his better judgment to decide upon the proper movements.

Notwithstanding my inability to make the purchases I was ordered to, and all that Governor Young said in regard to opposing the entrance of the troops into the valley, I examined the country in the vicinity of the city with the view of selecting a proper military site. I visited the military reserve, Rush valley, but found it, in my opinion, entirely unsuitable for a military station. It contains but little grass and is very much exposed to the cold winds of winter; its only advantage being the close proximity of fine wood. It is too far from the city, being between forty and forty-five miles, and will require teams four days to go there and return. I examined another point on the road to Rush valley, and only about thirty miles from the city, which I consider a much more eligible position. It is in Tooele valley, three miles to the north of Tooele city, and possesses wood, water and grass; but it is occupied by the Mormons, who have some sixty acres under cultivation, with houses and barns on their land. These persons would have to be dispossessed or bought out. In fact there is no place within forty, fifty or sixty miles of the city, suitable for a military position, that is not occupied by the inhabitants and under cultivation.

Finding that I could neither make the purchases ordered to, nor shake the determination of the people to resist the authority of the United States, I left the city and returned to my camp on Ham's Fork. On my return I examined the vicinity of Fort Bridger, and found it a very suitable position for wintering the troops and grazing the animals, should it be necessary to stop at that point. The Mormons occupy the fort at present, and also have a settlement about ten miles further up Black's fork, called Fort Supply. These two places contain buildings sufficient to cover nearly half the troops now en route for Utah; but I was informed that they would all be laid in ashes as the army advances. I have thus stated fully the result of my visit to Utah, and, trusting that my conduct will meet the approval of the commanding general, I am, very respectfully,

your obedient servant,

Stewart Van Vliet,
Captain, A. Q. M.

Echo Canyon War, Part 5

(The Contributor, Volume 3, Number 6, March 1882, page 177 at Archive.org)

The first councils of our people, on learning of the approach of the army, were held in the spirit of self-defence. It was decided that political and religious liberty were dearer than life. These deliberations resulted in pacific instructions to the Church and civil authorities, exhorting the people to faithfulness and confidence in the protecting power of the Almighty. The following communication to the district military commanding officers, was the first official notice given them of the threatened invasion of the Territory and of the intention to forcibly resist the enemy.

Headquarters Nauvoo Legion,
Adjt. General's Office,
G. S. L. City, Aug. 1, 1857.

Sir: Reports, tolerably well authenticated, have reached this office that an army from the Eastern States is now en route to invade this Territory.

The people of this Territory have lived in strict obedience to the laws of the parent and home governments, and are ever zealous for the supremacy of the Constitution and the rights guaranteed thereby. In such time, when anarchy takes the place of orderly government and mobocratic tyranny usurps the power of rulers, they have left the inalienable right to defend themselves against all aggression upon their constitutional privileges. It is enough that for successive years they have witnessed the desolation of their homes; the barbarous wrath of mobs poured upon their unoffending brethren and sisters; their leaders arrested, incarcerated and slain, and themselves driven to cull life from the hospitality of the desert and the savage. They are not willing to endure longer these unceasing outrages; but if an exterminating war be purposed against them and blood alone can cleanse pollution from the Nation's bulwarks, to the God of our fathers let the appeal be made.

You are instructed to hold your command in readiness to march at the shortest possible notice to any part of the Territory. See that the law is strictly enforced in regard to arms and ammunition, and as far as practicable that each Ten be provided with a good wagon and four horses or mules, as well as the necessary clothing, etc., for a winter campaign. Particularly let your influence be used for the preservation of the grain. Avoid all excitement, but be ready. Daniel H. Wells, Lieut. General Commanding. By James Ferguson, Adjt. Gen. Copies of this letter were sent to the following: Col. W. H. Dame, Parowan; Maj. L. W. McCullough, Fillmore; Maj. C. W. Bradley, Nephi; Maj. Warren S. Snow, Sanpete; Gen. Aaron Johnson, Peteetneet; Col. Wm. B. Pace, Provo; Maj. Samuel Smith, Box Elder;' Col. C. W. West, 'Weber; Col. P. C. Merrill, Davis; Maj. David Evans, Lehi; Maj. Allen Weeks, Cedar; Maj. John Rowberry, Tooele.

Within a few days these instructions reached the various districts and were quietly acted upon. There was a universal cleaning of arms, filling up of cartridge boxes, and attention given to the equipment of horses, teams and camping outfits.

On the thirteenth of August orders were issued for the first movement of our forces. It was directed to Col. Robert T. Burton, instructing him to take the field with one hundred and sixty men from the first regiment. He, however, started on the fifteenth with but seventy men from the Life Guards.

Among the officers accompanying this expedition were Col. Jas. Cummings, of the general staff, Maj. J. M. Barlow, Quartermaster and Commissary, Capt. H. P. Kimball, Maj. H. W. Lawrence, Lieuts. J. Q. Knowlton and C. F. Decker. They were afterwards joined by a company from Provo, commanded by Capt. Joshua Clark. The instructions given Col. Burton were to march to the east on the main traveled road, affording aid and protection to the incoming trains of immigrants, and to act as a corps of observation to learn the strength and equipment of forces reported on the way to Utah, and report to headquarters; but not to interfere with life or property of any one they might encounter on the road. Speaking of this trip, Gen. Burton says:

We arrived at Fort Bridger August 2ist,and met the first company of immigrants at Pacific Springs on the 26th. On the following day we met Moody's company from Texas, also several large supply trains, entirely unprotected by any escort. On the 29th I left my wagons and half of the men and animals on the Sweetwater, proceeding with pack animals. On the 30th I arrived at Devil's Gate, with Kimball, Cummings and Decker's command coming up the next day; here on the 31st we met Jones, Stringam and others on their way from Deer Creek to Salt Lake City, and on the day after Capt. John R. Murdock, from the States. The latter brought word of the intense bitterness expressed all over the Union against the Mormons, and of the expectations that many entertained that the people of Utah were about to be annihilated by the strong arm of the military power.

These companies proceeded immediately on their way to the city, while Col. Burton and command were engaged cacheing provisions for future use. On Sept. 8th he sent an express to the Platte, which returned on the 12th. From this time the expedition returned slowly towards the city, thoroughly examining the country, and posting themselves upon all points likely to be of advantage later in the campaign. They also kept a good look out on the scouting and other military movements, forwarding by express all information of interest to General Wells and Governor Young.

On the 17th they received an express from Salt Lake, by J. M. Simmons and O. Spencer, and from this date men were kept in the saddle night and day between the front and headquarters. Sept. 16th, N. V. Jones and Stephen Taylor brought an express from the city, and on the 21st Col. Burton took three men, H. P. Kimball, H. W. Lawrence and John Smith and again moved east to the vicinity of Devil's Gate, and camped, Sept. 22nd, within half a mile of Col. E. B. Alexander's command. Here they first met the advance of the Utah army, and from that time were its immediate neighbors until it arrived at Ham's Fork.

The system of expressing information to and from Salt Lake City by daring, hardy men, mounted on mustang horses, was most thorough and safe. The adventures of those thus engaged and the tales of cold, hunger, and many discomforts which they can tell, would fill volumes with matter of the intensest interest, enlivened by an amount of philosophical humor, which one is surprised to find the threatening prospects of the times in no way daunted. It is safe to say that no body of men marshalled out to fight for home, country and religion ever enjoyed themselves better or were more susceptible to the ridiculous or fun-creating situations than they. Escapes from imminent danger would be heralded with more laughter than interest—for they were common—and the particularly awkward, though perilous accident of a comrade, from whatever cause, more frequently excited the risibles than the pity of his fellows.

It was thought by Governor Young and General Wells that when Capt. Van Vliet returned and reported the discouraging result of his labors in behalf of the army, that rather than risk men and animals out in the cold and severe winter, the officers in charge would order a retreat, at least to Laramie or some other military post, where the soldiers could be comfortable and out of danger. The orders sent to Col. Burton were to this effect: watch the movements of the army closely, keeping between it and the immigrant and supply trains; if, when Col. Van Vliet reports, the army still persists in its onward march toward the city, use every means in your power to harass and hinder it by stampeding stock, etc. Every effort was made to secure the uninterrupted progress of the season's immigration, and the freight trains, which were loaded with States goods that were almost indispensable. The efforts were entirely successful, the army at no time overtaking the trains, which arrived in the valley safely.

There was no movement of the enemy from the time Col. Burton approached them at Devil's Gate, on the Sweetwater that our officers were not speedily apprised of. Scouts and spies were with them continually, examining their camps, arms, equipments, etc., and reporting to headquarters. Many and varied were the adventures of these and of the small stampeding parties that were engaged in driving off cattle. It may be said to the credit of the army that great precautions were taken to guard against such parties and to save the stock; had it not been so, before reaching Ham's Fork they would not have had an ox, horse or government mule left. As it was, upwards of one thousand five hundred head of stock were taken away from them, and they were considerably annoyed by night surprises, etc.

It is here proper to remark that the cattle, horses, and other stock taken during the campaign were, on the conclusion of peace, returned to the officers at Camp Floyd, for which act neither thanks nor compensation was ever rendered. Among the animals that fell into our hands was a pet mule, owned by Col. Alexander; an old, white, gentle creature, the pride of the Colonel's household. Governor Young was particularly requested to take charge of this distinguished favorite, and accordingly had it sought out from the herd, stabled in a reserved stall of his barn and fed on the fat of the land. The attention bestowed upon it became the subject of diplomatic correspondence between the commandants of the opposing forces; yet, notwithstanding the enduring fame thus achieved and the tenderest care of experienced hostlers and veterinary surgeons, the poor prisoner succumbed to age and aggravated grief, at being ruthlessly torn from its associates and friends, and during the winter died, lamented by two armies.

Vaux

Echo Canyon War, Part 6

(The Contributor, Volume 3, Number 7, April 1882, page 215 at Archive.org)

A few days after Captain Van Vliet started on his return to the army, Governor Young issued the following:

Proclamation By The Governor.
Citizens of Utah

[September 15, 1857]

We are invaded by a hostile force who are evidently assailing us to accomplish our overthrow and destruction.

For the last twenty-five years we have trusted officials of the Government, from Constables and Justices, to Judges, Governors and Presidents, only to be scorned, held in derision, insulted and betrayed. Our houses have been plundered and then burned, our fields laid waste, our principle men butchered while under the pledged faith of the government for their safety, and our families driven from their homes to find that shelter in the barren wilderness and that protection among hostile savages, which were denied them in the boasted abodes of Christianity and civilization.

The Constitution of our common country guarantees unto us all that we do now or have ever claimed.

If the Constitutional rights which pertain unto us as American citizens were extended to Utah, according to the spirit and meaning thereof, and fairly and impartially administered, it is all that we could ask, all that we have ever asked.

Our opponents have availed themselves of prejudice existing against us because of our religious faith, to send out a formidable host to accomplish our destruction. We have had no privilege, no opportunity of defending ourselves from the false, foul and unjust aspersions against us before the nation. The government-has not condescended to cause an investigating committee or other persons to be sent to inquire into and ascertain the truth, as is customary in such cases.

We know those aspersions to be false, but that avails us nothing. We are condemned unheard and forced to an issue with an armed, mercenary mob, which has been sent against us at the instigation of anonymous letter writers ashamed to father the base, slanderous falsehoods which they have given to the public; of corrupt officials who have brought false accusation against us to screen themselves in their own infamy; and of hireling priests and howling editors who prostitute the truth for filthy lucre's sake.

The issue which has been thus forced upon us compels us to resort to the great first law of self preservation and stand in our own defense, a right guaranteed unto us by the genius of the institutions of our country, and upon which the government is based.

Our duty to ourselves, to our families, requires us not to tamely submit to be driven and slain, without an attempt to preserve ourselves. Our duty to our country,' our holy religion, our God, to freedom and liberty, requires that we should not quietly stand still and see those fetters forging around, which are calculated to enslave and bring us in subjection to an unlawful military despotism such as can only emanate (in a country of constitutional law) from usurpation, tyranny and oppression.

Therefore I, Brigham Young, Governor and Superintendent of Indian Affairs for the Territory of Utah, in the name of the People of the United States in the Territory of Utah,

1st—Forbid all armed forces, of every description, from coming into this Territory under any pretense whatever.

2d—That all the forces in said Territory hold themselves in readiness to march, at a moments notice, to repel any and all such invasion.

3d—Martial law is hereby declared to exist in this Territory, from and after the publication of this Proclamation; and no person shall be allowed to pass or repasts into, or through, or from this Territory, without a permit from the proper officer.

Given under my hand and seal at Great Salt Lake City, Territory of Utah, this fifteenth day of September, A. D. Eighteen hundred and fifty-seven, and of the Independence of the United States of America the eighty-second.

[L.S.] Brigham Young.

In preparing this celebrated document the Governor was asked if he realized that the act would be construed by his enemies as treasonable. He replied that he supposed so, but signified that the liberties of a loyal people were worth more than fair fame in the eyes of an administration, so blind and weak as to be goaded on to such acts of folly and wickedness, by the ignorant clamoring of an excited populace. He plainly indicated that defensive action was necessary, not only to preserve the homes and liberties of our people, but to prevent the approaching forces from committing deeds of horrible injustice and cruelty. He expected that a fair investigation and settlement of difficulties would follow the campaign, knowing that it should have preceded it, and proposed that while the excitement of relentless intolerance animated the power raised against us to hold its hand until its head got cool. This was the object and proved to be the effect of Governor Young's proclamation of martial law.

The Nauvoo Legion (the territorial militia), consisted at this time of all able bodied men between the ages of eighteen and forty-five, and was organized into military districts. The general officers of the Legion detailed for the campaign were; Daniel H. Wells, Lieut. General, commanding; Generals Geo. D. Grant, Wm. H. Kimball, James Ferguson, H. B. Clawson; Colonels R. T. Burton, N. V. Jones, Jas. Cummings, C. A. West, Thos. Callister, John Sharp, W. B. Pace, Lot Smith, Warren Snow, Jos. A. Young, A. P. Rockwood; J. L. Dunyon, Surgeon; Majors, H. W. Lawrence, J. M. Barlow, Israel Ivins, R. J. Golding, J. R. Winder, J. D. T. McAllister. Besides these officers, scouts and rangers were detailed to perform special duties. Among these were O. P. Rockwell, Ephraim Hanks and many others.

The nature of the campaign was such that individuals were selected for certain service without regard to their official station; thus officers of the highest rank were found performing the duties of company captains, or sharing the labors of men of the line. A distinguishing feature of this military organization, was the uniform cordiality between officers and men. Anything in the shape of dress parade demeanor on the part of petty officers was promptly frowned down by their superiors, and very soon after entering upon active service, everything in the nature of invidious distinctions disappeared. Discipline was preserved more by the good sense and good feeling of the men than by the rigid enforcement of military law.

Vaux.

Echo Canyon War, Part 7

(The Contributor, Volume 3, Number 9, June 1882, page 270 at Archive.org)

The Tenth Regiment U. S. A. and other troops, under Col. E. B. Alexander, had reached Ham's Fork, and were located at Camp Winfield by the last of September. The commandant of this advance was placed in rather an awkward position, not knowing whether he should attempt to enter the valley, go into winter quarters where he was, proceed to Fort Hall or retreat to the. Wind River country. Col. A. S. Johnston had not arrived to take command, and was not expected before the latter part of October, too late for any movement of the troops, owing to snow in the mountains and the impossibility of getting forage for stock.

While the enemy was in this dilemma, more active measures by our forces were resolved upon, to hinder his further progress in any direction whatever. On September 29th, Lieut-Gen. D. H. Wells, left Salt Lake City and proceeded to establish headquarters in the narrows of Echo Canon. He was accompanied by Adjt-Gen. James Ferguson, Col. N. V. Jones, Maj. Lot Smith and other Staff officers. Companies of the militia from the several military districts aggregating about twelve hundred and fifty men were ordered to report at Echo, with provisions for thirty days. A general, deep interest was awakened in the expedition, and commendable promptitude characterized the response to all general and special orders issued from the executive's office.

At Echo, Gen. Wells divided his staff, leaving Col. N. V. Jones and J. D. T. McAllister in command of the force there. These engaged in digging trenches across the canon, throwing up breast works, loosening stones on the heights, and in every way preparing to resist the progress of any body of men that might attempt to pass through the canon. The positions occupied by our men in Echo, would have enabled them to successfully defeat an army of a thousand times their force.

The day after reaching Echo, Gen. Wells, with a small escort, proceeded to Bridger, where he met Col. Burton and Gen. Robison, and was informed of all movements that had been made by the troops, of the location of their supply trains, their strength, probability of reinforcements, etc.

From this information it was ascertained that for several days previously the army had been making very rapid forced marches, to overtake and protect their supplies on Ham's Fork, which had been forwarded several weeks before. It was apprehended, as they had been successful in securing these advance supply trains so near the mountain passes, that the troops would shoulder rations for three days and attempt to force their way on to the city. The activity of the enemy required the utmost vigilance and some decisive action on the part of our forces to delay any such movement. It was the policy to "fight this war without bloodshed." How to do it successfully was the question. It was a difficult one to solve while the weather remained fair, the advancing troops well supplied with food and ammunition, and eager to try their strength with their Mormon foes. Yet it was extremely necessary that the advance should be checked and the power of the people of Utah to defend themselves felt.

General Wells had brought with him from the city two copies of the Governor's proclamation, one of the laws of Utah, and a message addressed to "The officer commanding the forces now invading Utah Territory." The following is a copy of the communication.

Governor's Office, U. T.,
Great Salt Lake City,
Sept. 29, 1857.

Sir.—By reference to the act of Congress, passed September 9, 1850, organizing the Territory of Utah, published in a copy of the Laws of Utah, herewith forwarded, pp. 146-7, you will find the following:

"Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That the executive power and authority in and over said Territory of Utah shall be vested in a governor, who shall hold his office for four years, and until his successor shall be appointed and qualified, unless sooner removed by the President of the United States. The governor shall reside within said Territory, shall be commander-in-chief of the militia thereof," etc., etc.

I am still the governor and superintendent of Indian affairs for this Territory, no successor having been appointed and qualified, as provided by law; nor have I been removed by the President of the United States.

By virtue of the authority thus vested in me, I have issued, and forward you a copy of my proclamation forbidding the entrance of armed forces into this Territory. This you have disregarded. I now further direct that you retire forth, with from the Territory, by the same route you entered. Should you deem this impracticable, and prefer to remain until spring in the vicinity of your present encampment, Black's fork, or Green river, you can do so in peace and unmolested, on condition that you deposit your arms and ammunition with Lewis Robison, quartermaster-general of the Territory, and leave in the spring, as soon as the condition of the roads will permit you to march: and should you fall short of provisions, they can be furnished you, upon making the proper applications therefor. General D. H. Wells will forward this, and receive any communications you may have to make.

Very respectfully,
Brigham Young,
Governor and Supt. of Indian Affairs, Utah Territory.

Lewis Robison and Lot Smith were sent with these documents, instructed to deliver them personally or send them by a Mexican, if it should appear dangerous for them to enter the enemy's camp. They concluded on the latter course, and on receiving Col. Alexander's reply, returned to Bridger.

The response of the latter to the invitation of the Governor to leave the Territory was to the effect that he was at present the senior officer in command of troops ordered here by the President of the United States, and that he would submit the Governor's communication to the General commanding, but in the meantime should hold himself and troops subject only to the direction of competent military authority.

In receiving this reply to the order of the governor to surrender or leave the Territory, action was immediately determined upon to show that we were in earnest. Major Lot Smith, who had taken the message and brought back the reply, reports the work that was assigned him to perform, as follows:

When I returned to camp, I was invited to take dinner with the commanding-general and his aids. During the meal, General Wells, looking at me as straight as possible, asked if I could take a few men and turn back the trains that were on the road or burn them. I replied that I thought I could do just what he told me to. The answer appeared to please him, and he accepted it, telling me that he could furnish only a few men, but that they would be sufficient, for they would appear many more to our enemies. As for provisions, none would be supplied, as we were expected to board at the expense of Uncle Sam. As this seemed to be an open order, I did not complain, and at 4 o'clock, October 3d, we started, numbering forty-four men, rank and file, Major Lot Smith in command, Captain H. D. Haight, Lieutenants Thomas Abbott and John Vance, officers. We rode nearly all night, and early the next morning came in sight of an ox train headed westward. I left half of my men to get breakfast, and with the others proceeded to interview the bull-whackers. On calling for the captain, a large fine-looking man stepped forward and gave his name as Rankin. I informed him that we wanted him to turn his train and go the other way, until he reached the States. He wanted to know by what authority I presumed to issue such orders. I replied, pointing to my men, that there was a part of it, and the remainder was a little further on concealed in the brush. He swore pretty strongly, and thought that was good in a free country like this; however, he faced about and started to go east, but as soon as out of sight would turn again towards the mountains. The troops met him that day and took out his lading, leaving the wagons and teams standing. I camped near these troops on that night on the banks of Green River.

Losing the opportunity to make much impression on Rankin's train, I thought something must be done speedily to carry out the instructions received, so I sent Captain Haight with twenty men to see if he could get the mules of the tenth Regiment on any terms. With the remaining twenty-three men I started for Sandy Fork to intercept trains that might be approaching in that direction. On the road, seeing a large cloud of dust at a distance up the river, on the old Mormon road, I sent scouts to see what caused it. They returned, overtaking me at Sandy, and reported a train of twenty-six large freight wagons. We took supper and started at dark. After traveling fourteen miles, we came up to the train, but discovered that the teamsters were drunk, and knowing that drunken men were easily excited and always ready to fight, and remembering my positive orders not to hurt anyone except in self-defence, we remained in ambush until after midnight. I then sent scouts to thoroughly examine the appearance of their camp, to note the number of wagons and men and to report all they discovered. When they returned and reported twenty-six wagons in two lines a short distance apart, I concluded that counting one teamster to each wagon and throwing in eight or ten extra men would make their force about forty. I thought we would be a match for them, and so ordered an advance to their camp.

On nearing the wagons, I found I had misunderstood the scouts, for instead of one train of twenty-six wagons there were two, doubling the number of men, and putting quite another phase on our relative strength and situation. There was a large camp-fire burning, and a number of men were standing around it smoking. It was expected by my men that on finding out the real number of wagons and men, I would not go farther than to make some inquiries and passing our sortie upon the trains as a joke would go on until some more favorable time. But it seemed to me that it was no time for joking. I arranged my men, and we advanced until our horses' heads came into the light of the fire then I discovered that we had the advantage, for looking back into the darkness, I could not see where my line of troops ended,and could imagine my twenty followers stringing out to a hundred or more as well as not. I inquired for the captain of the train. Mr. Dawson stepped out and said he was the man. I told him that I had a little business with him. He inquired the nature of it, and I replied by requesting him to get all of his men and their private property as quickly as possible out of the wagons for I meant to put a little fire into them. He exclaimed: "For God's sake, don't burn the trains." I said it was for His sake that I was going to burn them, and pointed out a place for his men to stack their arms, and another where they were to stand in a group, placing a guard over both. I then sent a scout down towards Little Mountaineer Fork, failing to put one out towards Ham's Fork on the army. While I was busy with the train a messenger from the latter surprised us by coming into camp. I asked him if he had dispatches and to hand them to me. He said he had, but they were verbal. I told him if he lied to me his life was not worth a straw. He became terrified, in fact I never saw a man more frightened. The weather was a little cool but his jaws fairly clattered. I took his mule and arms and told him where to stand, at the same time placing a large Irish Gentile I had with me as guard over him, with instructions to shoot him if he moved. He plead piteously for his life; but I indicated that soldiers' lives were not worth much, it was only the bull-whackers who could expect to get off easy. He said afterwards that he expected every moment to be killed. His orders to the train men were from the commander at Camp Winfield, and were to the effect that the Mormons were in the field and that they must not go to sleep but keep night guard on their trains, and that four companies of cavalry and two pieces of artillery would come over in the morning to escort them to camp.

While I was engaged with the first train a guard of the second came down to see what was going on. I told him to go back and not move and that I would be up soon and attend to them. My scout said, afterwards, that when the guard returned he squatted down by a wagon wheel and never moved until I came up. Captain Dawson and I shortly after went up to the second train. Dawson shaking the wagon in which the wagon-master slept called loudly for Bill. "Bill" seemed considerably dazed and grumbled at being called up so early. Dawson exclaimed with peculiar emphasis. "Damn it man, get up, or you'll be burned to a cinder in five minutes!" Bill suddenly displayed remarkable activity. I introduced the same program to him that we had carried out with the first train, having them come out man by man, stack their arms and huddle together under guard. By the time I had my men scattered out, guarding the different interests, they appeared to have dwindled to a very small body to me, but the sixty or seventy prisoners, for with extras the teamsters numbered that many, never discovered it. Having got them disposed of I inquired of Dawson what kind of loading he had, as I was much in need of overcoats for my boys the season getting late and weather cold. I also asked if they had much powder on board for if so it would be convenient when I fired the wagons to take him with me. He was much frightened at that proposition and hastily produced his bills of lading. I told him to hunt himself as I had no time. He searched diligently for powder and my boys for overcoats and clothing. Dawson announced that there were large quantities of saltpetre and sulphur in the wagons and said they were nearly as dangerous as powder. I told him we would have to take the risk of injury from them. He begged me not to make him fire the train, saying: "For the good Lord's sake don't take me, I've been sick and am not well yet, and don't want to be hurt." There were many such laughable incidents connected with the adventures of the night, if we had dared to laugh. One old man, shaking with St. Anthony's dance or something else, came up to me and wanted to know why we had driven up the oxen so early. Learning that our business was of a different nature, he tremblingly said he thought we would have come sooner and not waited until they were in bed and some of them liable to be burned up. My big Irishman told him we were so busy that we nearly left him without calling him up at all, at all.

When all was ready, I made a torch, instructing my Gentile follower, known as Big James, to do the same, as I thought it was proper for the "Gentiles to spoil the Gentiles." At this stage of our proceedings an Indian came from the Mountaineer Fork and seeing how the thing was going asked for some presents. He wanted two wagon covers for a lodge, some flour and soap. I filled his order and he went away much elated. Out of respect to the candor poor Dawson had showed, I released him from going with me when we fired the trains, taking Big James instead, he not being afraid of saltpetre or sulphur either.

While riding from wagon to wagon, with torch in hand and the wind blowing, the covers seemed to me to catch very slowly. I so stated it to James. He replied, swinging his long torch over his head; "By St. Patrick, ain't it beautiful! I never saw anything go better in all my life."

About this time I had Dawson send in his men to the wagons, not yet fired, to get us some provisions, enough to thoroughly furnish us, telling him to get plenty of sugar and coffee for though I never used the latter myself, some of my men below, intimating that I had a force down there, were fond of it. On completing this task I told him that we were going just a little way off and that if he or his men molested the trains or undertook to put the fire out, they would be instantly killed. We rode away leaving the wagons all ablaze.

Vaux.

Echo Canyon War, Part 8

(The Contributor, Volume 3, Number 10, July 1882, page 296 at Archive.org)

The object (the removal of the troops), to be attained by the burning of the trains, would have been immediately effected, had it not been for the difference of opinion between the actual and nominal commanders of the enemy. The former, Col. Alexander, a few days after the events recorded in the last number, resolved on immediate departure for Fort Hall; but before getting faraway, was intercepted with positive orders to remain on the road, for the purpose of effecting a junction with the remainder of the troops and proceeding to Salt Lake City with flying colors, under the direct command of General Johnston, and in company with the new civil officers appointed for the Territory. How these expectations of that gallant officer terminated will be shown later on.

From the time that General Wells left the city to take command in the field, it was not only felt by our people that the time had come, for once in our history, when we would have a voice in the settlement of our affairs, but the enemy also began to apprehend something of the kind. The following letter from Governor Young to Col. Alexander, breathes the spirit of freedom, and expresses in sincerity the faith of the people, the high regard for the lives of innocent soldiers, and the kindest courtesy for an avowed and presumptuous foe:

Governor's Office,
Great Salt Lake City, U. T.
October 16, 1857.

Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 12th instant, at 8.30 o'clock this morning, and embrace the earliest opportunity to reply, out of courtesy to your position, at this late season of the year.

As you officially allege it, I acknowledge that you and the forces have been sent to the Territory by the President of the United States, but we shall treat you as though you were open enemies, because I have so many times seen armies in our country, under color of law, drive this people, commonly styled " Mormons," from their homes, while mobs have followed and plundered at their pleasure, which is now most obviously the design of the general government, as all candid thinking men know full well. Were not such the fact, why did not the government send an army here to protect us against the savages when we first settled here, and were poor and few in number? So contrary to this was their course, that they sent an informal requisition for five hundred of our most efficient men, (while we were in an Indian country and striving to leave the borders of the United States, from which its civilization (?) had expelled us, with a preconcerted view to cripple and destroy us. And do you fancy for a moment that we do not fully understand the tender (?) mercies and designs of our government against us? Again, if an army was ordered here for peaceful purposes, to protect and preserve the rights and lives of the innocent, why did government send here troops that were withdrawn from Minnesota, where the Indians were slaughtering men, women and children, and were banding in large numbers, threatening to lay waste the country?

You mention that it is alone in my gubernatorial capacity that you have any business with me, though your commanding officer, Brevet-Brigadier General Harney, addressed his letter by Captain Van Vliet to "President Brigham Young, of the society of Mormons."

You acknowledge the receipt of my official proclamation, forbidding your entrance into the Territory of Utah, and upon that point I have only to again inform you that the matter set forth in that document is true, and the orders therein contained will be most strictly carried out.

If you came here for peaceful purposes, you have no use for weapons of war. We wish, and ever have wished for peace, and have ever sued for it all the day long, as our bitterest enemies know full well; and though the wicked, with the administration now at their head, have determined that we shall have no peace, except it be to lie down in death, in the name of Israel's God we will have peace, even though we be compelled by our enemies to fight for it.

We have, as yet, studiously avoided the shedding of blood, though we have resorted to measures to resist our enemies, and through the operations of those mild measures, you can easily perceive that you and your troops are now at the mercy of the elements, and that we live in the mountains, and our men are all mountaineers. This the government should know, and also give us our rights and then let us alone.

As to the style of those measures, past, present or future, persons acting in self-defence have of right a wide scope for choice, and that, too, without being very careful as to what name their enemies may see fit to term that choice; for both we and the Kingdom of God will be free from all hellish oppressors, the Lord being our helper. Threatenings to waste and exterminate this people have been sounded in our ears for more than a score of years, and we yet live. The Zion of the Lord is here, and wicked men and devils cannot destroy it!

If you persist in your attempt to permanently locate an army in this Territory, contrary to the wishes and constitutional rights of the people therein, and with a view to aid the administration in their unhallowed efforts to palm their corrupt officials upon us, and to protect them and blacklegs, black-hearted scoundrels, whore-masters and murderers, as was the sole intention in sending you and your troops here, you will have to meet a mode of warfare against which your tactics furnish you no information.

As to your inference concerning "public and private letters," it contains an ungentlemanly and false insinuation for, so far as I have any knowledge, the only stopping or detaining of the character you mention has alone been done by the Post Office Department in Washington; they having, as you must have known, stopped our mail from Independence, Missouri, by which it was but fair to presume that you, as well as we were measurably curtailed in mail facilities.

In regard to myself and certain others having placed ourselves "in a position of rebellion and hostility to the general government of the United States," I am perfectly aware that we understand our true and most loyal position far better than our enemies can inform us. We, of all people, are endeavoring to preserve and perpetuate the genius of the Constitution and constitutional laws, while the administration and the troops they have ordered to Utah are, in fact, themselves the rebels, and in hostility to the general government; and if George Washington was now living, and at the helm of our government, he would hang the administration as high as he did Andre, and that, too, with a far better grace and to a much greater subserving of the best interests of our country.

You write, "It becomes you to look to the consequences, for you must be aware that so unequal a contest can never be successfully sustained by the people you govern." We have counted the cost it may be to us; we look for the United States to endeavor to swallow us up, and we are prepared for the contest, if they wish to forego the Constitution in their insane efforts to crush out all human rights. But the cost of so suicidal a course to our enemies we have not wasted our time considering, rightly deeming it more particularly their business to figure out and arrive at the amount of so immense a sum. It is now the kingdom of God and the kingdom of the devil! If God is for us we will prosper; but if He is for you and against us you will prosper, and we will say amen; let the Lord be God, and Him alone we will serve.

As to your obeying "orders," my official counsel to you would be for you to stop and reflect until you know wherein are the just and right, and then, David Crockett like, go ahead. But if you undertake to come in here and build forts, rest assured that you will be opposed, and that you will need all the force now under your command, and much more. And, in regard to your warning, I have to inform you that my head has been sought during many years past, not for any crime on my part, nor for so much as even the wish to commit a crime, but solely for my religious belief, and that, too, in a land of professed constitutional religious liberty.

Inasmuch as you consider your force amply sufficient to enable you to come to this city, why have you so unwisely dallied so long on Ham's Fork at this late season of the year?

Carrying out the views of the government, as those views are now developing themselves, can but result in the utter overthrow of that Union which we, in common with all American patriots, have striven to sustain; and as to our failure in our present efforts to uphold rights justly guaranteed to all citizens of the United States, that can be better told hereafter.

I presume that the "spirit" and tenor of my reply to your letter will be unsatisfactory to you, for doubtless you are not aware of the nature and object of the service in which you are now engaged. For your better information, permit me to inform you that we have a number of times been compelled to receive and submit to the most fiendish proposals, made to us by armies virtually belonging to the United States, our only alternative being to comply therewith. At the last treaty forced upon us by our enemies, in which we were required to leave the United States, and with which we, as hitherto, complied, two United States senators were present, and pledged themselves, so far as their influence might reach, that we should be no more pursued by her citizens. That pledge has been broken by our enemies, as they have ever done when this people were a party, and we have thus always proven that it is vain for us to seek or expect protection from the officials or the administrators of our government. It is obvious that war upon the Saints is all the time determined, and now we, for the first time, possess the power to have a voice in the treatment that we will receive, and we intend to use that power, so far as the Constitution and justice may warrant, which is all we ask for. True, in struggling to sustain the Constitution and constitutional rights belonging to every citizen of our republic, we have no arm nor power to trust in but that of Jehovah and the strength and ability that He gives us.

By virtue of my office as governor of the Territory of Utah, I command you to marshal your troops and leave this Territory, for it can be of no possible benefit to you to wickedly waste treasures and blood in prosecuting your course upon the side of a rebellion against the general government by its administrators. You have had and still have plenty of time to retire within reach of supplies at the east, or to go to Fort Hall. Should you conclude to comply with so just a command and need any assistance to go east, such assistance will be promptly and cheerfully extended. We do not wish to destroy the life of any human being, but, on the contrary, we ardently desire to preserve the lives and liberty of all, so far as it may be in our power. Neither do we wish for the property of the United States, notwithstanding they justly owe us millions.

Colonel, should you, or any of the officers with you, wish to visit this city unaccompanied by troops, as did Captain Van Vliet, with a view to personally learn the condition and feelings of this people, you are at liberty to do so, under my cheerfully proffered assurance that you will be safely escorted from our outposts to this city and back, and that during your stay in our midst you will receive all that courtesy and attention your rank demands. Doubtless you have supposed that many of the people here would flee to you for protection upon your arrival, and if there are any such persons they shall be at once conveyed to your camp in perfect safety, so soon as such fact can be known.

Were you and your fellow officers as well acquainted with your soldiers as I am with mine, and did they understand the work they are now engaged in as well as you may understand it, you must know that many of them would immediately revolt from all connexion with so ungodly, illegal, unconstitutional and hellish a crusade against an innocent people, and if their blood is shed it shall rest upon the heads of their commanders. With us it is the kingdom of God or nothing.

I have the honor to be, your obedient servant,
Brigham Young,
Governor and Superintendent of Indian Affairs, U. T.

Vaux

Echo Canyon War, Part 9

(The Contributor, Volume 3, Number 11, August 1882, page 339 at Archive.org)

Here is a summary of a lengthy letter written by John Taylor to Captain Randolph B. Marcy on October 21, 1857:

John Taylor writes to Captain Marcy (an officer in the U.S. Army during the Utah War) to clarify the Mormon community's stance on the approaching federal army. While maintaining personal respect and courtesy toward Marcy and his fellow officers, Taylor firmly rejects the authority of the federal expedition, framing it as an unconstitutional aggression by a corrupt presidential administration.

Taylor acknowledges Marcy’s gentlemanly character and notes that he holds no personal enmity toward the military officers. He views them merely as servants carrying out the orders of a corrupt administration (President James Buchanan and his cabinet).

Taylor defends the moral character, chastity, and patriotism of the Utah settlers. He argues that allegations against the Mormons (such as those by ex-Judge Drummond) are lies weaponized by politicians and a hostile press to gain political favor and distract from national divisions over slavery and popular sovereignty.

Taylor asserts that resisting an unconstitutional invasion and protecting their homes, wives, and constitutional freedoms does not constitute treason. Rather, he views the administration's attempt to impose unwanted officials by force as the true violation of American principles.

Taylor warns that the entire Mormon community is united in its determination to resist. If forced to retreat, the settlers are prepared to burn their own homes, crops, trees, and property—leaving only a desolate wilderness for the arriving troops—rather than let their possessions fall into enemy hands.

Taylor advises that Marcy's relatively small force is in serious danger due to the hostile winter climate and total lack of local supplies. Taylor hopes for a peaceful outcome and a shift in public opinion back East, expressing that under any other circumstances, Marcy and his men would be welcomed as fellow American citizens and friends.

Echo Canyon War, Part 10

(The Contributor, Volume 3, Number 12, September 1882, page 380 at Archive.org)

The operations in the field during the month of October [1857] were very active. Many interesting experiences might be recorded, if space would permit; among them the circumstances attending the capture, imprisonment and escape of Major Joseph Taylor of Weber County. We have before us a very carefully and well prepared narrative upon the subject-which may enter into a future history but are compelled at present merely to extract from it. The Major says:

On September 18, 1857, I was ordered with my command of a hundred men to Echo. Reached there on the 20th, and proceeded, after a short delay, to the headquarters of General Wells, arriving October 5th. I immediately received the following orders:

Headquarters Eastern Expedition,
Camp near Cache Cave, Oct. 4, 1857.

You will proceed, with all possible dispatch, without injuring your animals, to the Oregon road, near the bend of Bear river, north by east of this place. Take close and correct observations of the country on your route. When you approach the road, send scouts ahead, to ascertain if the invading troops have passed that way. Should they have passed, take a concealed route, and get ahead of them. Express to Colonel Burton, who is now on that road and in the vicinity of the troops, and effect a junction with him, so as to operate in concert. On ascertaining the locality or route of the troops, proceed at once to annoy them in every possible way. Use every exertion to stampede their animals and set fire to their trains. Burn the whole country before them and on their flanks. Keep them from sleeping by night surprises; blockade the road by felling trees or destroying river fords, where you can. Watch for opportunities to set fire to the grass on their windward, so as if possible to envelop their trains. Leave no grass before them that can be burned. Keep your men concealed as much as possible, and guard against surprise. Keep scouts out at all times, and communications open with Colonel Burton, Major McAllister and O. P. Rockwell, who are operating in the same way. Keep me advised daily of your movements, and every step the troops take, and in what direction. God bless you, and give you success.
Your brother in Christ,
Daniel H. Wells.

P. S.—If the troops have not passed, or have turned in this direction, follow in their rear, and continue to annoy them, burning any trains they may leave. Take no life, but destroy their trains, and stampede or drive away their animals, at every opportunity. D. H. W.

While carrying out these instructions, it became necessary to leave my command and go with a small escort to Bridger for supplies. During my absence my men were detailed to another field of operations, under direction of O. P. Rockwell, and myself and companions, Wm. Stowell, Wells Chase, George Rose and Joseph Orton, on returning with five pack animals laden with provisions, received word to follow and overtake the command as soon as possible.

We had passed a vacated camping ground of the enemy, and seeing smoke about twelve miles away, directed our course toward it, expecting there to find our men. On the way, between sundown and dark, we came upon a body of men about a mile before us. Being well mounted, I rode ahead to see who they were, when I suddenly found myself flanked and surrounded by soldiers. I drew my pistols to defend myself, but my arms became paralyzed, and I was seized, dismounted and placed upon an old mule, led by a soldier, by the side of Captain Marcy. My companions, as soon as they saw the situation, made their escape, leaving the pack animals. Stowell made no effort to leave, appearing to be unable to do so, which I considered providential. He was treated precisely as I had been. We were ordered not to speak to each other; and in this way we traveled a distance of fifteen miles or more to camp. No human tongue can describe my feelings during this journey. I felt that to die defending myself would be preferable to imprisonment in the power of these men. But not being able at the time to do anything, I was compelled to suffer and wait. On arriving at camp we were placed in separate tents, without food, fire or bedding, and closely guarded. We suffered terribly in the night from the cold.

The next morning we were taken before Col. Alexander and examined separately. Among other questions, he asked me what was the strength of the Mormon forces. I told him I could only guess, but having been a Mormon since I was a boy, I could come pretty near it. "I should judge that there were from twenty to twenty-five thousand able warriors." At this big assertion his astonishment appeared very great. I could have hung my hat on his eyes. Adjt. Stowell had been examined before, and it appears that from his statements and the orders taken from him, the colonel concluded he had a more formidable foe than he had before suspected. These orders, which were addressed to me, were the only papers they took from us; others, in my possession, I chewed up on the way to camp.

I believe the effect of our examination was most providential, for instead of proceeding forward, which would have involved an engagement with our forces and bloodshed, a council of officers was held soon after, and it was determined to slowly retreat down Ham's Fork and await the arrival of reinforcements. I sought an interview with the commander and tried to get released, but to no avail. Circumstances for us looked gloomy indeed, but we had faith in a Superior Being, and for one I resolved to make my stay with the soldiers very short.

We at one time thought our release was at hand. It was not unusual for our men to appear on the hills in sight of the camp. They were generally fired at by rifles and cannon carrying grapeshot. On one occasion a company of our boys captured two of the soldiers, a blacksmith and the steward of the hospital. We overheard the colonel say he would release us if he could get his blacksmith back. The same night Sergeant Newman brought us for supper each a bowl of vegetable soup, saying at the time that the soldiers were mostly fond of it. Our suspicions of poison were at once aroused, and praying that if they were well founded no injury might be done, we tasted the soup, scratching out a hole in the ground and burying the remainder. A few moments after, Adjt. Stowell was taken very ill; I administered to him, and after vomiting severely he became better, whereupon I was similarly affected. Neither of us entirely recovered for a week. On another occasion this sergeant attempted to suffocate us by making a green willow fire in the tent and compelling us to keep the door closed. The injury thus done my eyes forbade their use for reading for ten years. We saw quick retribution visited upon this murderous man, for within a month from the time he smoked us, he fell into a rapid decline, though considered a robust strong man, and died within twelve miles of camp, when starting on his return to the States.

When Colonel Johnston came up we were in hopes of procuring our release, but so far from that being the result we were summoned before a court of inquiry, a writ was served charging me with treason, and I was held for trial before Judge Eckles at the First Judicial District Court, to be held at Green River. I was informed by several persons that it had been settled that Judge Eckles would hang me, as the first public example of what traitors might expect from the new civil government. We learned that it was the intention of Colonel Johnston to leave the heavy wagons and make forced marches to the city. The men were greatly encouraged by his arrival and prompt preparations. They called him the "old tiger," and expected that he would teach the Mormons a lesson that would be remembered.

The night after learning of the plans of the officers respecting myself and their movements, I thought we would attempt an escape. We accordingly made preparations, and although the way seemed difficult, I felt, being a very strong man, capable of effecting our release; but my companion was a very cautious man, and prevailed on me not to try it. We therefore gave it up for that time. Soon after, however, circumstances favored the plan, and I resolved on making an effort to gel away. A new company of troops arriving from the east produced lively times in camp, in exchanging greetings of friendship, etc. During their hilarity appeared to me a golden opportunity to quietly steal away; other circumstances favored the project, but again my comrade's entreaties prevailed, and I let them pass. The next morning we started at six o'clock, being placed under a guard of twenty-four men instead of six as before. We were told that the army was going to Salt Lake on forced marches in five days, and if a gun was fired to intercept them, we would be placed in front to catch the ball. I replied in a way to indicate that they would not get through, which made Capt. Gunifant, with whom I was speaking, very angry. He declared that nothing could keep them out. The troops stopped half an hour for dinner. Nothing was offered us to eat. At this time I nerved up to desperation, and determined to make my escape. I felt that I had strength enough to leap over the soldiers' heads and fly before they could arrest my progress. I told my comrade that I would go that night, and bade him a reluctant farewell. It was the last conversation I had with him during the campaign, but we have spent many a happy time together since then, sociably chatting over the incidents of our imprisonment and the stirring events of those times.

As we proceeded on the march I adroitly feigned sickness, complaining of a severe attack of fever and ague, continuing and growing worse after our arrival in camp. I asked the captain of the guard for my bedding and for a cup of coffee, but he said the baggage wagons had not come up. I then asked to have a fire built. He ordered the guards to make a fire, there being plenty of sage brush near the camp. I soon after got another fire started about a rod away, and paced very fast between the two. This caused the guard to turn so rapidly to watch me that his eyes became dazzled. About five minutes before I started the officer of the day came along and told the guards to keep a strict watch, and if any effort to escape was made to shoot the prisoners like so many beasts. I kept my eyes on the guards, having previously taken off my boots, and seeing a favorable chance to make a break, I suddenly made three rapid leaps among men and mules, landing behind a very large ox. The length and speed of these leaps must be left entirely to the imagination; I did not stop to measure them, but found myself among the cattle with my boots, which had served for jumping weights, in my hands. My flight continued without regard to time, speed or surrounding circumstances, until I reached the foot hills three miles or more from camp. I then discovered that my close-fitting, buckskin coat was gone; but how it got off, with my boots in my hands, I have never been able to surmise. A furious storm beat down upon the mountains, and in the midst of this I fled with the fleetness of a deer, being pursued for five hours by Captain Cranberry and a company of horsemen and bloodhounds. I had ten minutes start, however, and maintained the advantage it gave me.

It has remained to me a mystery how I succeeded in getting away from my guards and eluding the search of my pursuers. I only know that I acknowledged the power of the Almighty, and thanked Him for my deliverance. Of course I lost my stockings in the chase, and by the time I felt far enough away to be safe, I was ready to put on my boots and take a slower pace. Thus I spent the night traveling over hills and down ravines; the weather was intensely cold. I was told afterwards that several government mules froze to death that night, and I readily believed it. If I hadn't escaped from government I might have frozen myself; but the air of liberty, however piercingly cold, warmed my heart and kept me from despair. I was, however, in a fearful state of exhaustion next morning when John Thompson, of Ogden, and a party of five of our men, came upon me among the greasewood bushes and ordered my arrest. I was happy to be taken in their charge, and our mutual congratulations extended to three cheers for liberty when they recognized me. I was taken to Fort Bridger, and received such attentions as were necessary, and soon after reported my escape to General Wells.

Echo Canyon War, Lot Smith's Narrative, Part 1

(The Contributor, Volume 4, Number 1, October 1882, page 27 at Archive.org)

Lot Smith's Narrative. I.

After our encounter with the two trains on the old Mormon road, which we left in a blaze, we proceeded to the bluffs of Green River. From there I started an express to General Wells with details of our maneuvers up to date. I told the man selected to carry these dispatches that he must go alone as I could not spare any one to go with him, and that he must look out for the troops, which by this time would be on the alert to capture or kill any of our men they might meet. He said they were welcome to him if they caught him, and started away. He got through all right.

We camped on the banks of the Sandy that night, getting a little sleep, which, considering the night work of the previous week, was very grateful to us all. On the morning following we met another train at a place that has ever since been known as Simpson's hollow. I asked for the captain and being told that he was out after cattle, we disarmed the teamsters, and I rode out and met him about half a mile away. I told him that I came on business. He inquired the nature of it when I demanded his pistols. He replied: "By G—d, sir, no man ever took them yet, and if you think you can, without killing me, try it." We were all the time riding towards the train, with our noses about as close together as two Scotch terriers would have held theirs—his eyes flashing fire; I couldn't see mine—I told him that I admired a brave man, but that I didn't like blood—you insist on my killing you, which will only take a minute, but I don't want to do it. We had by this time reached the train. He, seeing that his men were under guard, surrendered, saying: "I see you have me at a disadvantage my men being disarmed." I replied that I didn't need the advantage, and asked him what he would do if we should give them their arms. "I'll fight you!" "Then," says I, "we know something about that too—take up your arms!" His men exclaimed, "Not by a d—n sight! We came out here to whack bulls, not to fight." "What do you say to that, Simpson?" I asked. "Damnation," he replied, grinding his teeth in the most violent manner, "if I had been here before and they had refused to fight, I would have killed every man of them."

Captain Simpson was the bravest man I met during the campaign. He was a son-in-law of Mr. Majors, a large contractor for government freighting. He was terribly exercised' over the capture of his train, and wanted to know what kind of a report he could make to the commander, and what he could do with his crowd of cowardly teamsters left on the plains to starve. I told him that I would give him a wagon loaded with provisions. "You will give me two, I know it by your looks!" I told them to hurry up and get their things out, and take their two wagons for we wanted to go on. Simpson begged me not to burn the train while he was in sight, and said that it would ruin his reputation as a wagon master. I told him not to be squeamish, that the trains burned very nicely, I had seen them before, and that we hadn't time to be ceremonious. We then supplied ourselves with provisions, set the wagons afire and rode on about two miles from the stream to rest. I expected any moment to be overtaken by troops from the camp, and fired my pistol to call in our picket guard.

They hurriedly came to the place where we were resting, a place that will always be remembered as the scene of the most distressing event which occurred on the expedition. While I was reloading my pistol, and as the guards came in from picket duty, one of the guns—a United States yauger—was discharged. The heavy ball passed through Orson P. Arnold's thigh, breaking the bone in a fearful manner, struck Philo Dibble in the side of the head, and went through Samuel Bateman's hat just missing his head and pulling his hair. I sprang up and caught young Arnold, straightening him out, for he fell with his leg under him, the jagged points of the broken bone sticking out, while the blood streamed from the awful wound. It looked as though he would bleed to death in five minutes. We laid our hands upon him according to the order of the Church, and asked our Father to preserve him for we knew that we could not.

I immediately sent two men to the Sandy for poles with which to make a litter. We calculated that the distance to a safe place on Green River was not less than thirty miles, and that we must carry our wounded comrade there as soon and as comfortably as possible. While engaged setting the broken bone, a picket guard came running into camp and reported two hundred cavalry close upon us. Under the circumstances nothing could have produced greater consternation. One of the men moved that we surrender. I told them that I would say when to do that. He then proposed that we run. I replied that I would kill the man that made that motion, myself if he dared to try it. Then I made my first war speech. I told the men that we were not out here of our own choice, on our own business. Our people and their rights were being assailed. It was the Lord's work that they were engaged in, and we were called by Him to protect our homes and our religion. If he suffered those troops to come near us, we would trust in Him and whip them, no matter about their numbers. The boys gathered around me and said that I had spoken right, that they would stand by me if I would stand. I was well repaid for stiffening my knees, for poor Orson looked up and said he knew I wouldn't run away and leave him to die. Poor boy! The first words he spoke were: "I shall always be a cripple, and will never be able to fight soldiers anymore."

Then came the tug of war! We took up our wounded man and carried him on poles for thirty miles. Talk about mules with sore shoulders! Ours equaled anything of that kind ever heard of. Our way lay across a trackless desert the whole distance, with no water on the road but what we carried in our canteens, and a wounded man burning with fever and inflammation constantly wants water.

A curious incident happened during the journey across this desert plane. By night we ran short of water, the men were tired out and I advised all to stop and lie down to rest until morning. But some of the men proposed, if I would consent, that they go on for water, and that the rest carry the litter until they returned and overtook us. The proposition was agreed to and they started, but the carrying party failed in less than a mile. One of the poles broke and we nearly let the other fall to the ground. Orson had slept during most of the night, and when this accident happened made the first sign of pain. He must have suffered fearfully. I told the rest of the boys they would have to go now for water; that it was at least eight miles and to hurry back. They went and thought it fully that far, but they came back making the journey in the dark, and met us in the plain, without fire, road or any land mark to guide them. I only know of one way to account for the incident. We had to have the water or the boy would die, and a Power greater than we knew it. When we, at last, all gave out the men lopped over, one by one, and were fast asleep as soon as they touched the ground. I went around and took off the saddles, arms, etc., and watched the horses, until feeling too tired to remain awake longer, I thought of a little fellow, who being too short to carry the litter, was fresh compared to the rest of us. I woke him up, and asked him to look after the horses. In a moment I was asleep, and unable to rouse myself, though conscious that the short fellow I had called, had only turned over and had not got up. The next time I wanted him up to stand guard I had him on his feet before leaving him.

Before daylight we were again on the march. When we came in sight of the river, the same man that had reported the two hundred cavalry, came back and said there were soldiers on the banks and advised us to make a circuit of about five miles to strike, the river below. I told him that I was in no mood to prolong our journey. That all could do so who wished, but that I was going to a small grove of cottonwoods on the river bottom, to which I pointed, and that it would take a right smart lot of soldiers to get me out of it. We left the wounded boy in charge of two men on the bluffs, but they took him down in a ravine where he came near suffocating. He begged them to take him on the hill and let him die, to leave him and look out for themselves. When we reached the river I sent out scouts to look up the soldiers that had been seen, at the same time climbing a large tree to survey the situation myself. A man soon rushed into the grove saying that two of our men were running this way, chased by two soldiers. Without thought I sprang down, caught up my gun and ran; my men following me. In a minute or two I stopped short, and asked him if he said that two of our men were being chased by two soldiers. He said "yes." "Then I hope they will catch them, I don't want any two men that any other two can chase." They all laughed. We soon found out the truth. Two of our men were after a couple of mountaineers. When they overtook them the latter slung off their canteens in double quick time and offered the boys a drink. We made arrangements with these mountaineers to take charge of our helpless comrade, and they kept him ten days, doing the best they could for him, until General Wells sent a team to convey him home. He however suffered extremely, but we were told by the surgeon that no one could have set the broken leg better; under the circumstances, than we had done. When we came upon the soldiers that our picket guard, who was a good man but with eyes that would magnify, had reported, we found them to consist of Captain Haight and company, and were very glad to meet friends again instead of enemies.

Echo Canyon War, Lot Smith's Narrative, Part 2

(The Contributor, Volume 4, Number 2, November 1882, page 47 at Archive.org)

Lot Smith's Narrative. II.

The express sent from the bluffs of Green River, reporting progress of my labors, was carried by Edwin Booth. It was a hazardous undertaking for a single horseman, liable to run upon the enemy at any hour, but he was courageous and discreet, and meant every word of it when he said they were welcome to him if they caught him. He reached headquarters all right and delivered the dispatch. The following communication was received in response:

Headquarters Eastern Expedition,
Camp Yellow Creek, Oct. 14, 1857.

Major Lot Smith:
I am glad to hear so good an account of your success on your mission, and trust you will continue to be blessed in carrying out instructions given. I wish you to keep a good look out on your rear as well as ahead, so as not to be surprised by any fresh arrival of troops. Furnish your men and as many others as you conveniently can with supplies of clothing and food from any of the trains when you have a good chance. Remain in the rear of the enemy's camp till you receive further orders, not neglecting every opportunity to burn their trains, stampede their stock, and keep them under arms by night surprises, so that they will be worn out. I have sent a spring wagon to Bridger for the wounded man. Draw on Callister for supplies as you may need. Keep up communication with Major McAllister, who has gone out on the Oregon road. May the Lord God of Israel bless you and help you to hedge up the way of our enemies, and cause them to leave our Territory. If we could learn of a surety that they purposed making winter quarters at Fort Hall, we would cease molesting them.

Your brother in Christ,
(Signed) Daniel H. Wells.

P.S.—Let Livingston & Kinkead's and Gilbert & Gerrish's trains, with goods intended for the city, pass. Treat Perry's as any other Government train, unless they turn and go back. Make no difference in your operations because of any prisoners the troops may have. D.H.W.

After meeting Captain Haight and company, W. H. Hickman came to me and reported that a large herd of cattle was located near Mountaineer Fort, where we had burned the first trains.

We went up there and found the teamsters of the three trains which had been destroyed. They asked me if we had come to take the cattle. I told them we wanted a few, and gathering up about a hundred and fifty head, Hickman took them into the valley. He was accompanied by several of the train men, who said they had enough government bullwhacking to last them for the rest of their lives. I was glad to find my brave friend Simpson again, for we had run short of supplies, and I could reasonably expect that he would treat us generously, as we had given him a fair show when we burnt his train. He said they were going to run short of flour and bacon, but for us to help ourselves. We took such supplies as we needed, but left them all the flour but ten sacks, and we only took two of bacon. Here I met a man who was a prisoner at Bridger when I left there. He reminded me of the fact, and said that he saw me and my command there, and that we were a fine lot of men. I asked him how many. He replied that he would estimate them at five hundred. General Wells had told us that our numbers would be magnified in the eyes of the enemy, and it proved to be so. We passed during all the fall for from five hundred to a thousand men, while in fact the whole number never exceeded at any time one hundred, and generally was not half that many. I suppose that after we left them the teamsters took all the stock remaining to Ham's fork. We returned to the Sandy to see if other trains were coming, but fortunately for them and for us also we met no more trains. Our success had warmed our blood and the boys were only too eager for an encounter. President Young said it was providential for all parties, for if we had burned another train we would have been compelled before the end of winter to feed the enemy to keep them from starving. From Sandy we started toward their main camp but stopped on Black's fork. I proposed to my bed-fellow, Mark Bigler, that we go early in the morning to a neighboring high peak 'known as "the look out" to take observations. The morning was foggy and we got within three hundred yards of the summit when we discovered some men there before us. We took them for the enemy, for their action indicated that they were not as composed as Saints ought to be, and we started to retreat. The distance to camp, being three miles, was too far to run, so we concluded to make the best of it and walk. We were soon overtaken, but found that instead of troops the early risers were O. P. Rockwell and Thomas Rich with about thirty men. This reinforcement increased my command to nearly eighty men. With these we felt ready to proceed on up the river to Ham's fork and reconnoiter the situation of the army and see what the troops were doing. Rockwell and I were good friends, on the following basis: I did as I pleased and he, regularly, damned me for it. When we arrived within sight of the camp, I discovered a herd of cattle numbering about fourteen hundred head on the bottom lands below. We were on the bluff. I told Porter we would take those cattle. He said that was just like me. The stock was left there as a trap laid on purpose to catch me. The troops had found out what a damphool I was, and that I didn't know any better than to put my foot into that kind of a trap. The willows were full of artillery, and the minute I exposed myself among the stock they would blow me and my command higher than Gilderoy's kite. I told him to sit down and I would go and take the cattle myself. He replied very roughly that he would see me in "limbo" first, and said that he had waited forty years for such a chance, and now I wanted to spoil it. While he stopped to survey the situation with his glass, I started down the bluff, only about one-third of the men being able to keep up as we rushed down the steep descent. Porter came on in a terrible rage, swearing at me for going so fast, and at the men for being so slow. He wanted me to wait for them all to catch up. There was, however, no time to wait. We had to run about two miles to reach the cattle, and by the time we got to them the guards had yoked up teams to three wagons and started with the herd at doublequick pace for camp. We intercepted them, unyoked the cattle and turned their heads the other way, so that the poor cattle which had been in the rear were now in front. The boys then gave a shout, such as imported steers never heard before, and the latter started away pell mell, trodding many of the poorer under their feet and killing half a dozen of them. The guards were frightened as badly as the cattle and looked as pale as death. They came to me and asked me if we were going to take the stock. I replied that it looked a little as if we would. Captain Roupe, the head wagon master (the same man that had sworn the teamsters should have no pay because they would not fight when the trains were burned) was with this company of guards and appeared to be as badly scared as any of them. When he recovered a little from his fright, he asked me to let him have enough cattle with which to take his wagons to camp. We followed the stock and found the poorer ones were all in the rear again. I gave him about twenty head, and when we returned to where his men were, they made what appeared to me at the time a most singular request. They wanted to know if I would give them their arms back. As we hadn't seen their arms, this request led to an inquiry, when we found that on seeing us coming down the bluff, so much like a lot of wild men, they threw their guns away, some one saying if we found them unarmed we would spare their lives. I told the men they could go and get their guns as we had all we wanted. They did so, and several of them fired their weapons off to see if they were all right. In less time than it takes to tell it, about fifteen of our men came back over the bluff where they were following the cattle, as if they had been greased, thinking that Porter and I had got into a fight. When they found us all right, they returned about as fast. Rockwell told Roupe to tell the Colonel when he got to camp that we had commenced in earnest, and would kill every man of them if he didn't liberate his prisoners, there being three of our men in his custody at that time. The guards then started for camp. They were the worst frightened men I ever saw. They ran the three teams until some of the cattle dropped dead, but they never stopped until they got within the lines.

We rode on and soon overtook our men with the stock. We divided the cattle into suitable herds and drove all night, Porter and I piloting the way. As we rode along in the darkness together, he thoroughly enjoyed reflecting upon the events of the day. He would repeat what he had said to the guards and chuckle to himself over their discomfiture until his sides ached. I reminded him of what he had said about attacking the herd, but he didn't care to hear anything about that. All was well with him that turned out well.

During the whole of the time while we were engaged driving off this herd and fitting out the guards, a company of two or three hundred soldiers was visible on the bluff. I have never been able to account for their inactivity. They appeared to be interested in our movements, but they made no attempt to interrupt or help us. In the drove were several hundred head of good beef cattle which had been bought of mountaineers. Nothing could have been more acceptable, and I believe we were all thankful for it, even if we had borrowed them from Uncle Sam. Rockwell went in with the cattle, very much to my regret. I never found many men like him. I think our officers were afraid that he and I could not get along together. But we could.

Echo Canyon War, Lot Smith's Narrative, Part 3

(The Contributor, Volume 4, Number 5, February 1883, page 167 at Archive.org)

Lot Smith's Narrative. III.

After Rockwell went into the valley with the cattle we had taken, I returned to the vicinity of the last camp of the army on Ham's Fork. As it was getting late in the season and no evidence of intention to retreat being manifested by the army, it appeared to me that something ought to be done to show them that we were at least determined that they should go no farther, and that their present location was too near our forces to be pleasant. Having Rockwell's men left with me, I felt that my command was pretty strong, and began maneuvering accordingly. We soon struck the trail of a detachment of troops and following it found ourselves unexpectedly in close quarters with quite a large force.

I was mounted on a government mule at the time, and seeing that we were nearer the enemy than we were willing to be, I felt a little out of place. We, however, tried our old dodge of riding away over rough ground, and soon disappeared, leaving the impression that our numbers were far greater than they really were. In the evening, we returned to within half a mile of the main encampment, determined to take the troops' animals early on the following morning.

We attempted to remain up all night, but found the cold so intense, that I ordered the boys to sleep until two hours before daylight. They, however, couldn't be kept quiet, but long before that time, were jumping up and down in the effort to keep warm. Whether attracted by the sound made by our stamping or not I did not know, but suddenly we heard the tramping of animals, and the picket guard reported a hundred or more horsemen on the march. I left our packs in charge of Captain Haight and a squad of men, and followed the troops with the remainder. A few miles distant we overtook them, coming up quite close before being discovered. We found them to consist of Captain Marcy and company of about one hundred men. When they saw us right at their heels there was some lively scampering for a few moments and the enemy was brought into line. We halted about forty yards from them and I advanced and met Captain Marcy about twenty paces from his line of battle. He introduced himself, saying he supposed I was Captain Smith. I replied in the affirmative. He then said that the soldiers he commanded were United States troops, and asked me what armed force it was I had. I told him they were from Utah. "What is your business out here?" he inquired. "Watching you. What's your business?" I asked. He said they were looking out a way into Utah. "Nonsense," said I, "you have left the main road to the valley long ago. It passes through Echo Canyon. I have been that way myself many a time." The sneering way in which I said this caused him to smile. It was the only expression except the utmost coolness and civility I got out of him that morning. I afterwards regretted the rough manner I assumed toward him, for he remained perfectly calm, and was very gentlemanly during the whole of our interview. While we were engaged talking, his men were knocking the powder down in their guns and getting ready for the expected encounter. I knew all the time that Marcy was out hunting for me, and that he had been up the river on that business. He was now going down the stream on the same errand, but had found us before he expected to. He evidently did not want to fight, talking about almost everything but our present position. He at last said he regretted the difficulty that seemed imminent, and that the officers did not want to come to blows with us. I told him the Administration seemed to want them to, and that their coming here, put us in the position of a man holding off the hand that clutched a knife with which to cut his throat. We had a good hold of that arm raised against us, and would keep it. He said that he had letters of introduction to parties in Salt Lake, among others to President John Taylor. I told him he had better send them in, as he would not be able to go in himself that winter. He asked me if I would take them. I replied that the probabilities were that I should not go in either, and, observing that time was passing, we separated. I went directly towards his men, and he followed some distance after. My men skirted around to the right and we struck off to find our packs in charge of Captain Haight. As soon as Marcy returned to his troops, he sent out scouts to watch us. I told the boys that though we came for mules, we had no time to stop and catch them or anything else, that we would have all we could do to keep from getting caught; and that in three minutes we might expect the devil turned loose. Within that time, they came with beating drums, and fife, and bugle calls, shouting, etc. The whole force were out to meet us. We paid little attention to them, but were eagerly looking for our comrades. We soon came upon them, but by that time were nearly surrounded by Marcy's command, the troops forming a long line below us. There was no apparent way of escape but up a steep mountain or to cut through the line. I rode into the river, and found the bank on the other side very steep. I sent my horse for it, and he went up with difficulty; I knew the rest could not do it. Matters then looked pretty blue for a few moments, as we could hear the troops thundering on as they drew in their circle around us. I ran up the river some distance, and found the bank cut by a ravine. Just as we all got across and had safely clambered up the bank, the cavalry came upon us and commanded us to halt. The "boys sent back their compliments, more expressive than elegant, and the main body gave up the chase, as we leisurely rode up the hill. I sat down on the hillside, and looking across the river at them, imagined how chagrined they must feel, having let us slip through their fingers after having their hands fairly upon us. I had just started down the hill and observed to our men that if fighting had commenced, we would not have left those rocks, when Lieutenant Abbott came riding down like Tarn O' Shanter, exclaiming, "The troops are upon us!" I could not believe it; but sure enough there they were within range. They jumped off their horses, took good aim, and sent forty shots among us before we could count ten. If ever I was mad, that was the time. Luckily for us they were in short range and over shot the mark—except Mark Hall, of Ogden, who got a bullet through his hat. Two horses were shot; a grey one falling near me. The troops thought I had fallen and shouted exultingly. I felt happy to know that they were mistaken.

Echo Canyon War, Lot Smith's Narrative, Part 4

(The Contributor, Volume 4, Number 6, March 1883, page 224 at Archive.org)

Lot Smith's Narrative. IV. Concluded.

When the troops came up so unexpectedly and fired upon us, I got mad. For three quarters of an hour we had stood face to face with them without a sign of war, and now to be taken advantage of and caught just after leaving the rocks, made me righteously mad. I felt willing now to take a brush with them, and for this purpose sent all my men but twelve forward, and with the latter, tried as David did to get them to come down; but not like him, I declined to go up. If I could have induced them to come down out of the rocks, we would have whipped them if they had been the last troops Uncle Sam had. I knew that if I kept all my men they would not come, as they could see us and all our movements, we being upon a level plain. However, even after sending the main command on, the enemy refused to take up the gauntlet, and we were compelled to ride slowly away ; without an encounter. We fell back on > Fort Supply, eating the beef we had I borrowed and sampling some half- | cooked government beans. This experiment developed, as never before conceived in my imagination, the enormous pressure the human stomach is capable of sustaining without damage, and came very near developing the necessity for some one else to write this sketch.

While at Bridger I caught a violent cold, and was so near being sick that I detailed Lieutenant Abbott and a platoon to go to the front and see what movements the troops were making. I felt, after his departure, that I ought to have warned him against an ambush, but he had gone. A few miles from their camp he discovered a lone horseman who allowed him to come near, when he spurred up and rode on towards camp. Had I been there I would have been too great a coward to risk chasing in that direction; not so with Abbott, who was brave and fearless. Remarking that if he allowed them to get so close again he would repent it; he ordered his men to follow, and dashed on after the retreating soldier, who led them to an ambush of forty men, who, rising on the sides of a ravine, fired at thirty yards. Abbott and his men rolled off on the sides of their horses, and, as usual, the shots, in such cases always aimed too sure, missed every man, whizzing over their heads Our little band felt glad to get off so easily. After this skirmish the troops retired to their camp on Ham’s Fork, and we received orders not to molest them if they wished to go into Winter Quarters.

I made a trip to General Wells' camp on Black's Fork, being at the time suffering from severe cold and sickness. Fort Bridger was at this time burned after the supplies of grain and vegetables had been cached, and instructions were issued to let the troops winter in the ruins if they wished to. After remaining a few days at these quarters, being nursed as well as could be under the circumstances, I was again ordered to the front. I started with twenty-six men and one baggage wagon on the coldest day that I ever experienced. While making up the detachment, a number of young men volunteered and insisted on going with us. They were Brigham Young, Jr., Joseph C. Rich, Howard Spencer, Stephen Taylor, and several others. The General thought them too young to take so severe a trip, and it was decided that Joseph Rich and Howard Spencer remain in camp. The latter had a fever sore on his leg, and to show his indifference to a little hardship and express his disgust at being kept in camp, he remarked to his comrades: “Boys, if you want to get out of doing anything, just scratch your leg a little.” He then rolled up his pants and filled the gaping wound with hot embers. I thought him then the right kind of stuff to make a soldier. His future career proved it, for he has the reputation of being a man entirely without fear and indifferent to hardship. We had a terrible day. The men froze faces, ears and feet. I saw that all would perish if we remained with the baggage wagon, so I told the teamsters they could shelter themselves with the blankets, and we would push on to Col. Burton's camp on Bear River. I was mounted on a magnificent horse, but the snow was deep and the wind blew fiercely. I ordered Captain Thomas Rich to the rear, with instructions to not allow any of our men to stop on any pretext whatever. It became so cold that one could not tell if his hat was on without feeling for it. I feared the night more th: n all the troops we had seen during the campaign. My horse proved himself a good man's best friend. I shall never forget how he plowed his way through the drifts, breaking the track and leading the company safely to camp. When we arrived, John Woolley said my nose was frozen. I told him I didn't think it possible, for it was so short. He was not satisfied until he pinched it. But some of the boys had to be careful how they handled their ears, as they were stiff as sticks and discolored to blackness. We bound them in snow and did all that was possible to save them. The men with the wagon had their feet frozen, though they had the blankets of twenty-six men to cover them. The day is remembered throughout Utah as one of uncommon severity. After our baggage arrived, we made easy journeys to Bridger Buttes, west of the fort, where we took our stand, receiving deserters from the enemy daily, and sending them to the Valley.

When General Johnston turned towards Salt Lake, after going up Ham's Fork, one would have thought that he would go right through in a few days, but when he finally started, he made seventeen miles in one day, and it took two weeks to fetch up the rear, then the General began to see how far off Salt Lake really was.

Our duty was to watch the troops as they slowly came up to the ruins of Bridger and went into winter quarters. I suppose that it was this position, which the London Punch so graphically pictured in a cartoon in which the flower of the American army is being herded by ten Mormons. It soon became evident that the army would settle for the winter. The snow fell and covered the ground a great depth, but it was not so deep as our chaplain prayed for. He asked for twenty feet. One of our men, a little fearful that his prayer would be answered, wanted to know what would become of him and the rest of us. The chaplain's prayer was the echo of thousands of others offered at the Throne of Grace by a people whose homes were threatened and who looked to God alone for deliverance and safety. The word came to us to leave ten men on the Yellow Creek Mountains to guard the army. The detail of this illustrious little band was made, and the rest of us turned towards home. When crossing the two mountain ranges, I felt satisfied that Uncle Sam would not attempt to follow.

I shall never forget my feelings on that homeward march; I had been "keyed up” to a higher tension for ten weeks than I ever thought a human frame could stand. I could ride night and day for weeks and not feel fatigued, but now when turning my back upon the scenes of such absorbing interest, the weariness of months seemed to overpower me, and I was as weak as a child. I think I had never disobeyed an order of my superiors until at this time, when I neglected some request of Col. Burton. This feeling remained, stupefying me, until we reached President Young's office. He came out to the steps and spoke about ten words; I did not remember one of them, but they
had the effect to dispel every sense of weakness or weariness. I was ready that moment to return to the mountains. I would like to know the words he uttered, though it was not the words but the spirit which dictated them that touched the key note of my heart. I don't know how many men could have done it; he could.

To my comrades of 1857: You doubtless will have discovered a number of inaccuracies in the relation of this narrative. All has been written from memory and the editor has done well to get it in as good shape as it is.

Lot Smith.

Echo Canyon War, Part 11, Colonel Johnston's Letter

(The Contributor, Volume 4, Number 10, July 1883, page 381 at Archive.org)

(Colonel Johnston's Letter)

The army having gone into winter quarters, at Fort Bridger, where also were the new set of Federal officials, the commander, Col. A. S. Johnston, sent the following report of their situation, which indicates that the hindrances to their march made by our scouting parties, throwing them into the relentless embraces of a Rocky Mountain winter—brought on earlier than usual by the prayers of Lot Smith's chaplain and his colleagues—left them in considerable distress:

Headquarters Army of Utah,
Camp Scott, near Fort Bridger,
Black's Fork, Green River,
November 30, 1857.

Major:—Since my last report the troops and all the supply trains have arrived at this place, and will remain here, or in this district, during the winter. In effecting the march from near the junction of Ham's and Black's forks of Green river, a distance of only thirty-five miles, the loss of battery horses, draught mules and oxen of the contractor has been very great, in consequence of snow storms which were encountered on the route, and intense cold. Our marches each were necessarily short on account of the extreme coldness and inclemency of the weather, and because of the great number of miles on the road occupied by the supply trains and others, and the failing condition of the draught animals starving from cold and hunger, were resumed from each camp as soon as the troops in the rear and trains could be brought up, allowing a day or more at each camp for rest and the grazing of the animals. Fifteen days were consumed in this tedious operation. Shelter for our thousands of animals seemed indispensable for the preservation of life, yet a more rapid advance to attain it would, we believe, be attended with immense loss. The snow storms raged, with short intermissions after it commenced, for several days, during which time it was exceedingly cold. The thermometer ranged from ten degrees above to sixteen degrees below zero.

If shelter could have been found, a halt till the storm subsided would have been ordered; but there was none. The country between this and the South Pass, with the exception of the narrow valleys of water courses, is a great desert, affording no shelter by its conformation or by woods, or even bushes from the furious blasts of these high regions; and no fuel except the wild sage or willow bushes. There was no alternative but to press forward perseveringly, though slowly, marking our route by the frozen horses, mules and oxen. A sufficient number of oxen, though poor, have been saved to supply the meat part of rations six days in the week, and we have on hand bacon for one day in the week for seven months, and also flour and small rations. (See report of chief commissary of subsistence herewith.)

Colonel Cooke, in command of six companies 2d dragoons, arrived on the 19th instant. You will learn from his report (herewith) that the storm dealt as roughly with his command as it did with the army in advance. He lost nearly half of his horses, besides a number of mules. His march, from his report, appears to have been conducted with care and skill. If a further advance of the army were otherwise practicable and proper at this season of the year, the necessity of appropriating the remainder of the work oxen for food for the troops would now prevent.

The diminished number and reduced condition of the cavalry and battery horses and draught mules, makes a remount for the former and an additional number of mules for the quartermaster's department indispensable. A further advance cannot be made without them. I have, therefore, taken measures (see orders to Captain Marcy and estimates of the chief quartermasters' herewith) to supply all deficiencies. Captain Marcy has been dispatched, with a sufficient party suitably organized and equipped, to New Mexico, as the nearest and most accessible region from which they can be obtained early in the spring, with instructions to purchase the number required, and to return as soon in the spring as he can, having regard to the good condition of the horses and mules; and he is authorized to contract for a supply of salt, of which we have none, and forward it on his arrival. I respectfully request the sanction of the general-in-chief to my orders to Captain Marcy, and that he will give instructions to General Garland; or commanding officer of the Department of New Mexico, to furnish Captain Marcy a sufficient escort of the mounted rifles to protect him from predatory attacks of the Indians on the route back to this place. I enclose a copy of my letter to General Garland, making the request. The Mormons, before they retired, burnt the buildings in and about Fort Bridger, and also Fort Supply on Smith's Fork, twelve miles hence, and destroyed the grain, and as far as they could, other crops at that place. Fort Bridger, so called, is a high, well built, strong stone wall, enclosing a square of one hundred feet, and has been appropriated for the storage of the supplies for the army. The addition of two lunettes, now being constructed, one on the southwest corner and the other on the northeast corner of a stone enclosure adjoining the main one, but not so high, will make it defensible by a small force, and a safe place of deposit for the public property that may be left when the army advances. The herds of mules, battery horses, and cattle have been sent with herdsmen to Henry's Fork to graze during the winter, and six companies of the 2d Dragoons, under the command of Colonel Cooke, have been ordered to encamp near them, and guard them and protect the herdsmen. He has with him about two hundred dragoon horses. Two companies of the same regiment are stationed here, and have about fifty horses, all feeble for want of sufficient sustenance. In the spring, the army, with the volunteer force included, about two thousand strong, will resume their march as soon as a supply of horses and mules arrive, and the grass on the mountains shall be found sufficient to sustain them.

Two full companies of volunteers have been mustered into the service for nine months, and I expect in a few days that two more companies will be mustered in. They are young, active, and hardy men, generally good shots, and with such instructions as they will receive, will make most excellent light troops. I have to request that the emolument of these men may be early made known to the Secretary of War, so that provision may be made, by an appropriation by Congress for their payment at the expiration of their term of service.

The troops have borne the hardships and privations of the march with patience and cheerfulness, and continue in fine health; some few of the different regiments are still suffering from frostbite.

Governor Cumming and family, Judge Eckel, the secretary, attorney-general, and marshal of the Territory, and also Dr. Forney, Superintendent of Indian affairs, and Dr. Hunt, Agent, are encamped within our lines, and have received every facility and means to make them comfortable, as much so as can be expected under canvas.

I enclose copies of all orders given by me which will fully acquaint you with any matter omitted in this communication.

With great respect, your obedient servant,
A. S. Johnston,
Colonel 2d Cavalry Commanding.
Maj. I. McDowell, Assistant Adjutant
General Headquarters of the Army.

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